Indonesia, 1998

It gives me great pleasure,

Sir, to extend to you my congratulations and those of the

Indonesian delegation on your election to the presidency

of the fifty-third session of the General Assembly. I

should like to assure you of our full cooperation in the

discharge of your duties.

To your distinguished predecessor, His Excellency

Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, I wish to convey our

felicitations for having so ably guided the fifty-second

session to a successful conclusion.

Let me also take this opportunity to pay tribute to

the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan,

for his dedication to the reform and restructuring of the

Organization, as well as for his determined efforts to seek

a peaceful solution to conflict situations in various parts

of the world.

One of the great ironies of our time is that at the end

of a century in which the amazing advances of science

and technology could have been harnessed to effectively

address the problem of poverty, scores of millions more

people have slipped below the poverty line. At the same

time, there has been a massive application of science and

technology to increase humankindâs capacity to deal out

death and destruction. Even in the best of times,

humankindâs use of economic resources has not been

marked by any deep sense of responsibility but rather by

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mindless consumption that has often led to the degradation

of our environment. Unfortunately squandering resources is

an old habit of the human race.

Today, I fear that the awesome force of globalization,

itself propelled by science and technology, is also being

squandered: instead of serving to unify humankind in a

decisive assault against the persistent systemic problems of

our time, it is being used to press the advantage of the

strong over the weak, thereby widening the gap between the

developed and developing world.

Herein lies the tragedy of the human race: that our

vast capacity to alter the planet on which we live has been

matched to a parochial vision. Large and complex actions

are motivated by narrow self-interest. And in the

narrowness of our perspective we inflict great harm on one

another. That is why the imbalances and inequities in

international relations persist: we can never get rid of them

until we attain that essential balance within ourselves,

between the scope of our actions and that of our intentions.

Yet I do not despair. Against the backdrop of a

century of conflict, one human achievement shines: the

founding of the United Nations. It is admittedly a flawed

achievement, for after five decades it has not yet brought us

the global peace that we envisaged to be its greatest

promise. But it has spared us from the horrors of another

world war and possibly from a nuclear holocaust. That this

flawed jewel of human reason should remain to serve us in

a more effective way in the next century is an imperative.

Through its instrumentality, it is still possible for us to tame

the dogs of war and to exorcise the spectre of poverty.

Through its processes of consultation and debate, we can

still attain a broadness of mind that matches the global

sweep of our actions. Through the habits of cooperation and

trust that it engenders among its Members and among the

countless individuals and institutions that participate in its

dialogues, we might yet realize our shared vision of a

global civil society. But first it must be reformed, further

democratized and fully empowered.

The United Nations, as the central mechanism and

catalyst for multilateral cooperation, must be enabled to

play its mandated role in the achievement and maintenance

of peace, security and development. It is therefore of the

greatest importance that it be provided with the resources

with which to carry on its work instead of being strapped

for funds as it is now. The legal obligation of every

Member State in that regard must therefore be strictly met.

It is also essential that the ongoing process of reform

of the United Nations be intensified, particularly with

regard to the Security Council, taking into account the

desire of all States from all regions to participate in its

work, as well as present political, economic and

demographic realities. For indeed, developing countries

are grossly under-represented on the Council especially at

a time when its work is focused on conflict situations in

the developing world. This anomaly has to be redressed

by an increase in the representation of the developing

world in the permanent as well as in the non-permanent

membership of the Council. The legitimacy, credibility

and effectiveness of the Councilâs work depend on its

representative character. Indonesia views the task of

Security Council reform as a matter of urgency, but we

must not be rushed into any hasty or ill-advised decisions

that would be detrimental to the long-term interests of

Member States. In this context, there is a need to continue

and accelerate the work of the Open-ended Working

Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on

and Increase in the Membership of the Security Council

and Other Matters Related to the Security Council.

If the cause of disarmament, particularly nuclear

disarmament, has not made substantive progress in recent

years, it is largely because there are States that believe

they have much to gain by their exclusive possession of

nuclear arms. The unjustifiable privileges conferred on the

nuclear-weapon States have given rise to a regime of

discrimination and hypocrisy as well as a situation where

non-nuclear countries wishing to enjoy the same

privileges seek to become nuclear States themselves.

Thus, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear

Weapons (NPT) has not fully met its objectives, and the

imbalances and discrimination inherent to it have

persisted. Regrettably, too, the second Preparatory

Committee for the 2000 Review Conference failed to

agree on substantive issues. Still, we must persevere and

prepare ourselves for the next NPT Review Conference

and focus on the inequities and imbalances inherent in the

Treaty. At the same time, we urge the nuclear-weapon

States to implement faithfully both the letter and spirit of

agreements relating to non-proliferation and nuclear

disarmament. We call on all States to refrain from

developing these weapons so that we may the sooner

attain our ultimate objective of their total elimination.

The slow pace of progress towards non-proliferation

and nuclear disarmament compels us to work even harder

to achieve global disarmament objectives. The convening

of the fourth special session of the General Assembly

devoted to disarmament is essential for providing new

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political momentum that would enable and encourage the

Governments and peoples of the world to move towards

disarmament, including the elimination of nuclear weapons.

It is therefore imperative that we take further concrete steps

leading to the convening of the fourth special session.

While disarmament marks time, discord is rampant in

the form of armed conflicts, disputes and tensions between

and within States in many parts of the globe. The situation

in Bosnia and Herzegovina remains a source of continuing

concern for Indonesia. Hence, we reaffirm our steadfast

support for the full, impartial and effective implementation

of the Dayton Peace Agreement. In Afghanistan, we call on

the warring factions to cease hostilities and to start

constructive dialogue. The protracted civil strife in that

country also threatens to spill over beyond its borders. We

urge the parties concerned to cooperate with the United

Nations in its concerted endeavours to restore peace and

stability in the region. The dire situation in the Democratic

Republic of the Congo calls for continued and concerted

efforts in restoring peace and tranquillity.

Indonesia is appalled by the terrorist bomb attacks on

the American embassies in the capitals of Kenya and

Tanzania that caused the death of nearly 200 people and the

wounding of thousands. We reiterate our condemnation of

all acts and forms of terrorism wherever they may occur

and whoever perpetrates them. At the same time, we stress

that we will never condone the resort to unilateral acts of

aggression and violation of the sovereignty and territorial

integrity of States as a means to combat terrorism. We

therefore urge all States to enhance international

cooperation in the fight against terrorism while strictly

observing and implementing the relevant international

instruments.

My delegation welcomes the recent positive

developments concerning the Lockerbie incident that

culminated in the adoption of Security Council resolution

1192 (1998). It is our hope that discussions will now take

place between the United Kingdom, the United States and

the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, including on the appropriate

trial arrangements. Early implementation of this resolution

will hopefully lead to a definitive settlement of this issue

and the lifting of sanctions imposed on Libya.

In the Middle East, the situation in the occupied

territories keeps deteriorating as the peace process remains

in the grip of a stalemate. Israeli policies and practices of

oppression and provocation have continued unabated. In a

blatant attempt to change the demography of the occupied

territories, Israel keeps building new settlements and

expanding existing ones. More ominously, it has

arbitrarily extended the administrative powers of the

occupying authorities in Jerusalem beyond the cityâs

borders in a bid to consolidate Israelâs hold on East

Jerusalem and the West Bank and thereby entrench

Jerusalem as its capital. This would pre-empt negotiations

on the status of the Holy City and threaten to unravel the

peace process, with grave repercussions not only for the

Middle East but also beyond.

Peace and stability will continue to elude the region

until Israel complies with its treaty obligations and

unconditionally withdraws from all occupied Arab

territories in accordance with all relevant United Nations

resolutions, in particular 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425

(1978). The peace process must be resumed and

agreements reached must be implemented in their entirety

and not selectively or conditionally.

In South-East Asia, the elections held recently in

Cambodia, deemed to have been generally free and fair

by international observers, should now lead to the

restoration of normalcy in the country. It is time that all

the parties in Cambodia resolve their differences in the

spirit of national reconciliation and unity in the larger

interest of their country, work together toward the

formation of a new government and thereby contribute to

peace and stability in South-East Asia.

The world economy is teetering on the brink of

recession, if not already experiencing one. Economic

output has slowed for the developed and developing

countries alike, and growth in world trade has also

decelerated. While official forecasts indicate a slowdown

in the growth of world output to 2.5 per cent, any such

forecasts may still be too optimistic. Only a little more

than a year ago, the world economy was on a significant

growth path, and the outlook was generally bright. In

Asia, robust growth for decades had transformed much of

the region into an economic powerhouse. Today, many of

those dynamic economies are crippled. One third of the

world is grappling with serious economic slowdown and

the frightening possibility of a depression.

In the affected countries, including Indonesia,

economic turmoil has reached a devastating level, pushing

their economies into recession and their people to the

very edge of their endurance. Unemployment has soared,

and an unacceptable number of people have slipped under

the poverty line. Education has been severely affected,

and food is in short supply. The experience of South-East

Asian countries in this financial turmoil has shown that

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even the most dynamic economies are vulnerable. In spite

of the judicious macroeconomic policies that they adopted

and the often painful structural adjustments that they carried

out, the development gains they earned over the decades

crumbled in the span of a few weeks. The lesson of this

debacle is that the market is driven by sentiments as much

as fundamentals, by perception rather than facts alone.

These adverse aspects of globalization have

furthermore greatly eroded multilateral cooperation for

development. The concept of development as a special part

of a multilateral support system has been largely replaced

by the laissez-faire approach to the globalized economy.

This has resulted, inter alia, in sharply contracted financial

resources for development for the majority of the

developing countries, particularly the least developed

countries. External indebtedness has escalated, and

protectionism in international trade has risen significantly

as more and more countries have become inward-looking in

this era of globalization.

This dire situation will certainly impact on the

implementation of the commitments agreed upon at the

recent major global conferences, including in the fields of

environment and development, social development,

population and development, women and development,

habitat and food. It is therefore a matter of great concern to

all of us that the achievement of sustainable human

development will be further removed from reality.

I believe that our troubles are less the result of the

vagaries of globalization than the consequence of an

economic doctrine that has dominated international

economic relations for many years now. This doctrine

presents unbridled liberalization as a panacea for all

economies, developed and developing. In their desire to

integrate themselves with the global economy, many

developing countries have audaciously opened up their

economies, only to realize that the social and political costs

of doing so often outstrip the benefits. Moreover, the

inordinate emphasis on unfettered markets has led to the

neglect of such development issues as international

cooperation for development, the need for non-commercial

financial flows and the necessity of differential treatment

for developing countries. Thus, the international agenda has

been governed by the interests of the developed countries

in opening up opportunities for foreign investments, private

capital flows — that often turn out to be merely

speculative — and the export of their manufactures.

In the face of such stark global realities, we must

intensify international solidarity and cooperation. The

international community should strengthen its

management role in the world economy, in particular in

the monetary and financial fields, including the

establishment of surveillance and regulatory frameworks

for short-term capital flows and trade in currencies,

without constraining the liberalization of economies. This

strengthened international management role is essential if

we seek to avert future crises, alleviate the adverse impact

of globalization and maximize its benefits.

We should therefore seriously consider various

initiatives for enhancing global financial and monetary

cooperation. The proposed United Nations conference on

financing for development would provide an opportunity

to explore various options towards financial stability and

development. It is also encouraging that the two-day high-

level dialogue of the General Assembly last week

contributed to increased awareness and understanding of

the economic and social impact of globalization and the

need for international cooperation in addressing that issue.

Another important proposal is the one made by the

Non-Aligned Movement for an international conference

on money and finance for development in order to pursue

comprehensive reform of the existing international

monetary and financial system.

Because we want the North-South dialogue to

proceed in earnest, we should broaden and intensify

South-South cooperation. Decades of development efforts

have greatly increased the economic complementarities

among developing countries. We must tap these

complementarities and strengthen partnership in the South.

In this effort, our developed-country partners and

international institutions can play a valuable role by

participating in tripartite arrangements. In this regard, a

number of steps to promote South-South cooperation have

been initiated, including a high-level meeting on regional

and subregional cooperation, which will be held in Bali,

Indonesia, this coming December. The commemoration of

the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Buenos

Aires Plan of Action on South-South cooperation will be

held at a special one-day meeting in the General

Assembly. Of great importance is the Group of 77

initiative on a South summit to be held prior to the

Millennium Assembly, in the year 2000.

This year marks the fiftieth anniversary of the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which was

proclaimed as a common standard of achievement for all

peoples and all nations. To us in Indonesia who are now

in the midst of formulating and initiating far-reaching

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economic, social and political reforms, this is a particularly

significant occasion. In fact, in line with our commitment

to the Vienna Declaration, we have just launched a National

Plan of Action on Human Rights aimed at infusing the

various segments of society and of the Government,

including the national security apparatus, with values

conducive to the promotion and protection of human rights.

We expect to sign and ratify in the near future several more

United Nations conventions on human rights.

The reform-development Government that is now in

place in Indonesia will carry out vigorous measures to

further democratize our national life. For we know very

well that our economic recovery will basically have to be

driven by confidence, on the part of the international

community as well as on the part of our own citizens, in

our own system of governance.

In the face of the challenges of our time, we in

Indonesia will rebuild and refine the institutions that will

make the laws of economics work for our society. At the

international level, I believe that it is also necessary to

build and refine the institutions that will make global

economics work for all nations, whether developed or

developing.

Globalization is not the demon that has been menacing

our prospects for the future. But for too long we have

accepted doctrines formulated and waved in the name of

liberalization. The most perceptive economists of our day

have been pointing out that error, and we must now heed

them. Globalization and liberalization never required us to

merely compete in dancing to the tune of the market place.

It never told us to stop cooperating with one another. But

many of us were enchanted with the gospel of unfettered

laissez-faire until it was seen that the contagion of a

financial crisis in one developing country in one corner of

the globe could plunge the entire world into depression.

Now it is clear — if it was not sufficiently clear

before — that we are stewards of one anotherâs welfare,

that we must extend a hand to every brother and sister who

falters, or in the course of globalization none of us,

developed or developing, will see salvation. Human destiny

is indivisible. Let us never forget that again.