Indonesia, 1997

It gives me great pleasure

to offer Foreign Minister Hennadiy Udovenko of Ukraine

the felicitations of my delegation on his assumption of the

presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-second

session. I am confident that, under his experienced

leadership, we will achieve substantive progress in our

work.

I should also like to pay tribute to his predecessor,

Mr. Razali Ismail, for the skilful manner in which he

guided our deliberations during an extraordinarily busy

year. His purposeful and decisive stewardship secured the

success of the fifty-first session of the General Assembly.

I join other members in commending our Secretary-

General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his report “Renewing the

United Nations: A Programme for Reform”. His initiative

deserves our praise and the recommendations in the report

merit our serious consideration.

Since we met last year, world developments have

continued to show a mixture of bright promise, new

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challenges and pervasive uncertainty. The post-cold-war era

has opened up new possibilities for the solution of

persistent problems and conflicts and the pursuit of a global

agenda for peace and development. In various parts of the

world, protagonists have shown a desire to resolve their

differences through dialogue and negotiations. Globalization

has raised the hopes of mankind for equitably shared

prosperity.

Yet, intra-State conflicts continue to rage in many

parts of the world even as the international community

faces a multitude of new and unpredictable threats and

challenges. Despite significant strides in limiting

armaments, the destructive power of nuclear weapons

continues to pose a threat to all life on Earth. Poverty and

backwardness hold dominion over vast areas of the

developing world, while the developing countries are

increasingly marginalized in international economic

decision-making.

We cannot hope to rid the world of these systemic

problems unless we can devise an effective system of

global governance capable of managing the impact of

globalization and interdependence, fulfilling the interlinked

demands of peace, security and development, and

reconciling the competing interests of a constantly widening

range of actors in international affairs. For that system of

global governance to be effective and universally accepted,

it must have for its central mechanism and source of

legitimacy a United Nations revitalized through a process

of judicious reform and democratization.

My delegation has therefore welcomed the United

Nations reform package that the Secretary-General

presented to the General Assembly last July. We support

the endeavour to transform the leadership and management

structure of the Organization so that it can address the

challenges of the new millennium with a greater sense of

purpose, effectiveness and efficiency. We commend the

proposal to promote sustained and sustainable development

through, inter alia, the creation of a “development

dividend” by shifting resources to development activities,

especially those for poverty alleviation.

We attach great importance to the proposed measure

to overcome the financial crisis of the Organization through

the creation of a revolving credit fund pending the

attainment of a permanent solution to the crisis. Just as

crucial is the idea of enhancing the effectiveness of the

United Nations in disarmament activities by establishing a

new department for disarmament and arms regulation, to be

headed by an Under-Secretary-General. That new

department, however, should squarely address the

question of nuclear disarmament as a priority issue and

not only the non-proliferation of weapons of mass

destruction.

We also welcome the efforts to improve the

Organization's ability to deploy peacekeeping and other

field operations more rapidly, enhance the United Nations

capacity for post-conflict peace-building, strengthen

international efforts to combat drugs, crime and terrorism,

and bolster international response to global humanitarian

needs. The reorganization and restructuring of the human

rights secretariat is also timely and appropriate. However,

the idea of extending human rights activities by

integrating them into all United Nations activities and

programmes entails careful study. Hence, Indonesia stands

ready to participate constructively in the detailed

discussions on the proposed reform package which will

take place during this Assembly.

Of equally vital concern is the question of the

reform and expansion of the Security Council so as to

reflect the realities of today and to accommodate the basic

interests of the developing countries which comprise the

overwhelming majority in the Organization. On the

expansion of membership of the Council, our view is well

known: that new permanent members should be chosen

not only on the basis of equitable geographic

representation, but also on the basis of a set of criteria

such as political, economic and demographic weight; their

capability and their track record of contributing to the

promotion of peace both regionally and globally; and their

commitment to assume responsibilities inherent to

permanent membership. And we should first discuss and

agree on this set of criteria before we determine who

represents which region or which group of Member

countries. We should not put the cart before the horse.

In this regard, predetermined numerical limitations

would unduly restrict and possibly distort the

representative value of the expansion of the Security

Council. The African Member countries have indicated

that they would like to have two permanent seats

representing their region. By the same token, we believe

that it is legitimate that the new composition of the

Security Council should have two new permanent

members from among the developing countries of the

Asian continent.

As emphasized by the Ministerial Conference of the

Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, held last April in

New Delhi, there should be no partial or selective

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expansion of the membership of the Security Council to the

detriment of the developing countries, and efforts to

restructure the Council should not be subject to any

imposed time-frame, for although the issue is urgent it

should not be decided before there is general agreement.

The Foreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned Movement also

stressed that the use of the veto should be curtailed with a

view to its eventual elimination, and that the improvement

of the working methods of the Council should be given

equal importance.

While we are deeply engaged in this process of reform

we must not lose sight of the fundamental goals that

impelled us to undertake it in the first place: to enhance the

Organization's ability to foster development and to address

the root causes of poverty and conflict. Reform should not

become a euphemism for budget slashing or an excuse for

certain Member States to renege on their financial

obligations to the Organization. When reforms are in place,

they could indeed ensure optimum use of resources and

generate savings. But they could become meaningless if,

due to insolvency, the United Nations were rendered

incapable of fulfilling its mission.

Much of the insecurity in the world today stems from

the fact that the international community has not been able

to abolish nuclear armaments. The Non-Proliferation Treaty

has been indefinitely extended, but without any guarantee

that the commitment to nuclear disarmament will be

honoured. We are also dismayed that the Comprehensive

Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty does not effectively prohibit

nuclear testing in all environments and for all time, without

loopholes or exceptions.

Nevertheless, we signed the Treaty in the hope that the

nuclear Powers on their own would refrain from testing

through simulation. That hope has been shattered by the

sub-critical tests announced recently by a nuclear-weapon

State. Although these sub-critical tests do not legally violate

the CTBT, they make a travesty of the spirit of the Treaty.

The nuclear Powers should desist from conducting such

tests, as they could lead to the resumption of the nuclear

arms race and its attendant risk of global disaster.

Meanwhile, in South-East Asia, the South-East Asia

Nuclear- Weapon-Free Zone Treaty came into force earlier

this year. We hope that the nuclear-weapon States will also

contribute to regional security by their timely accession to

the relevant Protocol of the Treaty.

In the Middle East we are witnessing a continuing

escalation in Israeli provocative acts. Israel's encroachments

on East Jerusalem, especially in Jabal Abu Ghneim, have

plunged the peace process into deeper crisis and triggered

unrest and tension on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

Israel persists in its illegal construction activities, in

blockading Palestinian territory and besieging Palestinian

cities and towns and in withholding funds belonging to

the Palestinian Authority.

The imposition of a harsh regimen of collective

punishment contravenes all international legal norms and

principles and violates the fundamental rights of the

Palestinian people. We must therefore vigorously support

all efforts to restore the momentum of the peace process

and to bring about the resumption of negotiations based

on the provisions of the Declaration of Principles and the

principle of land for peace. And we must continue to

press for progress on the Syrian-Israeli and Lebanese-

Israeli tracks of the peace process, for without such

progress a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East

question is not possible.

In Cambodia, the recent regrettable turn of events,

which resulted in a significant change in the governmental

set-up and political situation has threatened to plunge the

country back into factional strife and instability. The

interests of the Association of South-East Asian Nations

(ASEAN) and Cambodia are inextricably linked, and the

stability of Cambodia is essential to the stability of the

South-East Asian region. Therefore, while ASEAN

reaffirms its commitment to the principle of non-

interference in the internal affairs of other States, it stands

ready to contribute its efforts to help restore political

stability in Cambodia. Accordingly, ASEAN has proposed

the immediate cessation of all armed hostilities and acts

of violence throughout Cambodia and called on the

conflicting parties to resolve their differences amicably.

Indonesia believes that a principled solution can only

be reached through dialogue, with the aim of preserving

the coalition Government that reflects the power-sharing

arrangements resulting from the elections of 1993, held

under the auspices of the United Nations. Furthermore,

free and fair elections should be held as scheduled next

May, with the participation of all Cambodian parties and

political forces as an important element of its success.

Indonesia welcomes the convening of the four-party

talks among the Republic of Korea, the Democratic

People's Republic of Korea, the United States and the

People's Republic of China. We believe that a positive

outcome to these talks will pave the way for the

establishment of a permanent peace mechanism and that

9

the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization

(KEDO) will facilitate endeavours towards a lasting

solution to the nuclear issue on the Korean peninsula.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina the implementation of the

Peace Agreement has entered a critical phase. Key

provisions of the Agreement remain unimplemented.

Refugees and displaced persons continue to be denied their

right to return to their pre-war homes. Freedom of

movement has not been restored fully, and discrimination

and harassment are still prevalent. Challenges remain in the

functioning of the common State institutions that are so

vital to unity and reconciliation.

The unravelling of the Peace Accord would have

devastating consequences for Bosnia and Herzegovina and

its neighbours. All concerned should therefore join ranks

and work together to ensure the irreversibility of the peace

process and the full implementation of the Peace Accords.

It is encouraging to note from the World Economic

and Social Survey and other authoritative sources that the

global economy is basically healthy, that growth rates have

risen for the third consecutive year and that such progress

has been more widespread than before. However, we have

no illusions that the global economy has fully recovered

from a protracted period of decline during the past decade.

The echoes of the recession in the 1980s are still

reverberating. Millions in the developing world are still

languishing in wrenching poverty. And this new growth has

had little impact on rates of unemployment and under-

employment. In fact, it would take another 10 years of

similar growth just to recover the gross domestic product

per capita levels of the early 1980s.

Globalization has indeed brought about an

unprecedented surge in international trade, investments and

information flows, but it has also accentuated the inequities

and imbalances of international economic relations. Only

the developed economies have fully benefited from it. The

developing countries as a whole continue to suffer its

negative impact while being marginalized from international

economic decision-making processes in which they could

otherwise seek redress from the inequities weighing down

their development efforts.

Even developing economies that have attained some

measure of dynamism are not immune to the perils of

globalization and liberalization. Given the sharp fluctuations

of international financial flows and currency manipulation

by speculators, economies built through years of patient,

sound and solid fiscal and monetary policies could be

crushed overnight in the anarchy of the globalized market

place. Globalization should, therefore, be managed so as

to soften its impact on vulnerable economies.

Indonesia welcomes the adoption by the General

Assembly of An Agenda for Development, a major

initiative designed to restore the theme of development to

the centre of the operations of the United Nations. The

Agenda provides a comprehensive framework of

principles and measures designed to promote development

as a vital preoccupation of the international community.

It also seeks to restore the centrality of the United

Nations in the pursuit of international cooperation for

development.

Perhaps the greatest constraint to development today

is the dearth of financial resources for development.

While there is an increased emphasis on foreign direct

investment, and this is welcome, the fact remains that

official development assistance constitutes the principal

source of development financing for the majority of the

developing countries. Regrettably, official development

assistance is in sharp decline, and has today reached its

lowest level since target levels were adopted in 1970.

Because many developing countries are unable to attract

adequate volumes of foreign direct investment, the

constriction of official development assistance has taken

an enormous toll on their social and economic

development, particularly in their efforts aimed at

reducing hunger, illiteracy and child mortality. We

therefore support the proposal in the reform package

submitted by the Secretary-General for the creation of an

Office of Development Financing that will pursue this

endeavour full-time in tandem with the proposed

“development dividend”.

The problem of chronic external indebtedness

constitutes another debilitating impediment to

development. Despite various debt relief initiatives in the

past, many developing countries remain crippled by their

debt overhangs. My country has always advocated a once-

and-for-all approach that entails a reduction of

indebtedness to a level that will allow resumption of

development. We therefore support the Heavily Indebted

Poor Countries Initiative of the International Monetary

Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, as it would help some

of the poorest countries escape the vicious cycle of

indebtedness and deprivation and once again take the road

to development. In this context, Indonesia has pledged, as

a concrete expression of this support, $10 million to the

World Bank's Trust Fund for the debt relief of the heavily

indebted poor countries. We also urge that these

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initiatives be implemented expeditiously and with

flexibility, and that they cover other heavily indebted

countries that are also in dire need of development.

In this era of trade liberalization, and in spite of the

presence of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the

developing countries are finding their comparative

advantage rendered meaningless by an array of non-tariff

barriers, preference-erosion and the misuse of anti-dumping

measures and countervailing duties. Moreover, the

persistent attempts of developed countries to link

international trade issues with extraneous issues, such as

labour standards, amount to a new form of protectionism.

Such insidious obstacles to free and open trade have to be

done away with so that the global economy can benefit

from an equitable, transparent and rule-based multilateral

trading system, with the World Trade Organization as its

embodiment.

Our common aspirations for global economic and

social development will never be realized until all forms of

discrimination are removed from society and opportunity is

afforded equitably to all humanity. The Programme of

Action for the Third Decade to Combat Racism and Racial

Discrimination (1993-2003) should be the vehicle of our

endeavours to end all forms of racism and racial

discrimination. The Beijing Declaration and Platform for

Action, adopted at the Fourth World Conference on

Women, must be vigorously implemented at all levels.

Likewise, implementation of the Copenhagen Declaration

and Programme of Action is essential for the attainment of

a positive environment for enhancing the human condition.

As to the environment, it is regrettable that the special

session of the General Assembly devoted to the review of

the United Nations Conference on Environment and

Development and Agenda 21 has revealed that the

commitments to the Rio Conference and to the Agenda

have not been substantially fulfilled. The international

community, particularly the countries that have the

technological and financial resources, must summon the

political will to bring positive action to support Agenda 21.

Vigorous measures should also be taken in defence of

our human resources and social values against the thrusts of

international crime, drug trafficking and drug abuse. We

therefore remain committed to support the mechanisms of

the United Nations anti-crime and anti-drug programmes.

We look forward to the convening of a special session of

the General Assembly in 1998 to assess the situation and to

develop further ways and means of combating these

international social evils.

In the area of human rights, the United Nations

should continue to strengthen its role as the architect of

a common plan based on a holistic approach toward the

promotion of, and respect for, the inherent dignity of the

human being. At all levels, we must work with all

interested parties, maintain constructive relationships and

foster dialogue and cooperation as the most effective

means of advancing human rights. In this regard,

Indonesia stands ready to cooperate with the High

Commissioner for Human Rights. We also support all

initiatives promoting a more balanced approach to human

rights. In this context, we note with interest the 19-point

Universal Declaration on Human Responsibilities

proposed by the InterAction Council. We agree with

former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser, the

InterAction Council Chairman, that, if adopted by the

international community, the Declaration on Human

Responsibilities, together with the Universal Declaration

of Human Rights, could serve as twin pillars providing an

ethical base for a just world. Indeed, freedom without

acceptance of responsibility can destroy freedom itself,

whereas when rights and responsibilities are balanced,

freedom is enhanced. We have always held that although

the individual should not be sacrificed in the name of

society, neither should society be allowed to disintegrate

to accommodate the individual. Without this fine balance,

neither rights nor responsibilities can meaningfully exist.

Allow me to take this opportunity to express the

gratitude of my Government to the United Nations

Development Programme (UNDP) for the singular honour

it recently bestowed on Indonesia by formally citing

His Excellency President Soeharto and the people of

Indonesia for

“outstanding accomplishments and commitments to

the significant reduction and continued eradication of

poverty in Indonesia and for making poverty

eradication an overriding theme of national

development efforts.”

This is an honour that Indonesia holds in trust for all

developing countries endeavouring, in spite of their

constraints and adversities, to attain a better life for their

peoples while still contributing to the making of a better

world. With developed and developing nations working

together within the framework of a revitalized United

Nations, we can indeed before too long achieve the final

conquest of the most formidable and tenacious enemy of

humankind, poverty.

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