Grenada, 1982

The delegation of the People's Revolutionary Government of Grenada

wishes to join all those delegations which have extended their

congratulations and best wishes to Mr. Hollai on his election to the

presidency of this thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly.

The success of this session will be measured by the yardstick of the

Assembly's ability to steer us back to the paths of brotherhood,

international understanding and peace. The experience, wisdom and

diplomatic skills of the one who guides the deliberations of the

Assembly will constitute a critical factor in achieving any measure

of success. Mr. Hollai's unanimous election is not only a deserved

tribute to his widely acclaimed talents as a diplomat but also an

acknowledgement by the international community of the invaluable

contribution made by his country, the socialist Hungarian People's

Republic, in favour of peace, justice and social progress. We are

confident that his distinguished record makes him eminently qualified

for his challenging task. My delegation also wishes to express its

sincere appreciation of the manner in which Mr. Hollai's predecessor,

Mr. Kittani of Iraq, met the daily demands of his office, with

courage, even-handedness and an air of quiet and effective diplomacy.

88. My delegation further takes this opportunity to say a special

word of greeting to the Secretary-General on the occasion of the

first regular session of the General Assembly since he assumed

office. The elevation of Mr. Perez de Cuellar to that important

position has been and always will be a source of great pride and

satisfaction to us, the peoples of that part of the third world that

the renowned statesman and freedom fighter, Jose Marti, called "our

America". After a mere few months in exercise of his functions it is

already appropriate to take note of his untiring efforts in

furthering the cause of peace and the objectives of the United

Nations. For this we express ;o the Secretary-General our deep

appreciation.

89. This session is taking place at a critical moment in the

history of our planet and of mankind. It is a time when there are

dangers born of a deep-seated international economic malaise, with

threatening storm-clouds resulting from the dangerous arms race,

above all: from the cruelty and callousness which comes from man's

apparent inhumanity to his brother and his neighbour, which threaten

to engulf the world and annihilate us and our vaunted civilization.

Exactly one year ago, in my address to the Assembly at the 33rd

meeting of the thirty-sixth session, I expressed dismay, as did other

delegations, frightening state of international relations. Today, 12

months later, this session is being held with the global situation

not less but more alarming than ever.

90. Today the United Nations has become, in more ways than one,

mankind's hope for survival and social advancement. The Organization

must not only channel and accelerate the search for peace but also

preside over the ushering in of a world economic ordering of

resources which will allow the poor and the weak to live, not merely

survive. But, in addition, the Organization, by the very ideals

enshrined in the Charter, by its noble concept of economic and social

development seen in the outreach of its specialized agencies and

bodies such as UNDP and UNESCO; provides guidance for each individual

.political authority represented in this Hall and appeals to aspects

of the internal policy of every Member State.

91. We in Grenada are not only conscious of the relevance to our

experience of the declarations on the rights of man and of society,

for these, after all, are a product of the collective wisdom of the

representatives of mankind assembled here; we are not merely aware of

the evolution within the United Nations specialized agencies of a

preference for development geared towards the satisfaction of

people's needs and people's aspirations our entire revolutionary

political process, which triumphed in March 1979, focuses on such

pronouncements and our developmental model is constructed on the

foundations of people-oriented programmed and activities. The

internal achievements of three and a half years of the People's

Revolutionary Government bear ample testimony to this fact.

92. We are engaged in an experiment in popular and participatory

democracy where the people gather in their localities, as do their

delegates at the zonal and national level, to discuss, debate and

make their own proposals on every aspect of government policy,

including the national budget. There is freedom of expression Car all

our people based on a low guaranteeing democratic ownership and

control of the news media. We have made rapid strides towards

guaranteeing in practice employment for every man and woman able and

willing to work Also, we are moving towards the point where Grenada

can provide free and modern health services for all its citizens,

ample food and nutrition for ail, adequate and decent housing for

all, and ensure the extension of the basic amenities of modem living

to everyone. There is free education up to the secondary school

level, and our national literacy campaign and adult education

programme are aimed at wiping out illiteracy and raising the

educational standard of every worker and peasant to sixth-grade level

by 1990, in accordance with the objectives and programmes set by

UNESCO.

93. So the struggle goes on, the struggle to transform the

society, to improve the unacceptably poor quality of life, and to

achieve material and spiritual development and economic and social

justice for all our people.

94. Our approach to the question of relations with the world

around us involves a thrust compatible and in consonance with our

political preference for genuinely democratic structures and

people-oriented attitudes towards development. While we aim

therefore, in the true spirit of the family of the United Nations, to

build normal state-to-state relations with all peoples, some of the

main pillars of the edifice of our foreign policy remains as follows:

those of non-alignment, anti-imperialism and good neighbourliness;

the struggle for world peace and security; the determination to

support the struggle of those who are denied their sovereign right

freely to choose their path to development; and full support for the

demand for more democratically structured international financial

institutions and a just and equitable ordering of the global economic

system.

93. Grenada is aware that the absence of those elements within

international relations inhibits its own growth. The rate of

advancement of our small island nation, like other third world

countries with special disadvantages, would be severely restricted if

there were no peace or atmosphere of tranquillity and detente. In

addition to strong moral and political considerations, our

development is adversely affected to some degree if the peoples of

Namibia and Palestine are denied the opportunity to release their

energies and the resources available to them into the common pool of

South-South co-operation. And development will remain a dream for

Grenada unless a way can be found to usher in a new order of

relations between our commodity prices and the prices of the goods we

import.

96. The problems of Grenada reflect the present state of the

international economic situation. In the first place, the expanding

indebtedness of the developing countries cannot be over-emphasized.

The current levels of this debt, along with the recent trends in the

terms of trade and international interest rates, have become a

nightmare to many countries in the developing world. For instance,

the price now being fetched for cocoa, one of Grenada's basic

exports, is half of what it was two years ago.

97. In many cases third world countries, especially small islands

and small land locked States, are attempting through even further

external borrowing to cover the deficits in their external accounts,

caused partly by imported inflation, high energy costs and the

openness of their economies.

98. This problem of external over-indebtedness is made worse by

the rise of protectionism on the part of some developed countries.

These protectionist trends are becoming stronger each day-as was

evidenced in the struggle the third world was obliged to wage in

negotiating the third multi-fibre agreement in December 1981. In our

view, due to the interdependent nature of the world economy, it is

necessary for the developed world to open up markets to the exports

of the developing world. Prohibitive tariffs, subsidies which violate

the principle of the international division of labour and quota

restrictions on many commodities, including sugar, should be removed.

99. Another major problem is the power and dominance of the

transnational corporations in the economies of developing countries.

It is part of the neo-colonial legacy left to developing countries

from years of colonial and imperialist domination.

100. It is within the context of this unjust international

economic order that my Government sees the need for the reopening of

global negotiations. My Government is convinced that only through the

early adoption of proposals for a new international economic order

can there be a framework of principles to solve these complex and

vexing problems which now affect the international economic system.

101. In our opinion, the failure of the global negotiations so far

stems from the intractable position taken by a few developed

countries, particularly that of a major country. These countries are

firmly opposed to any structural transformation of the present

inequitable international economic system, and are only prepared to

allow marginal reforms that gradually incorporate selected countries

chosen solely on the basis of political considerations.

l02. The continued resistance to negotiations by certain developed

countries is a strategy to perpetuate and increase the economic

dependence of the developing world. My delegation echoes the call of

the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs, held at New Delhi to

the Group of 77 to remain firm with regard to its agreement on the

basic objectives of the global negotiations. In this regard, my

Government welcomes and is greatly encouraged by the fact that a

number of countries have achieved or are approaching the level of

economic assistance to the developing world laid down as a target by

the United Nations. We are also heartened by the recent decision of

the Government of France to increase its volume of aid to the

developing world in spite of the global economic crisis and,

beginning in January 1983, to extend its development aid programme to

include Caribbean countries for the first time.

103. The demand for a new international economic order must also have

as one of its objectives the reform of the two most important

monetary institutions for the developing world-the International

Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In order that these institutions

may provide greater and more effective flows of finance there is a

need for a change in the content of their programmes and the quantum

of fund resources made available under current quota policies

generally applied to small island and small land-locked economies.

There is an urgent need for a reappraisal and restructuring by the

Fund in three basic areas; liquidity and balance-of-payments support,

the indices of conditionally, and the nature and phasing of

adjustment over both the short and medium term.

104. On the issue of the reform of the World Bank, the People's

Revolutionary Government has taken note of the several areas of the

Bank's operations where action has been taken or is under way to

implement reform. However, there is one important area of World Bank

reform where no action has yet been taken. That is the desire for

fairness in the criteria and mechanics for the allocation of

assistance by the World Bank and the International Development

Association to developing countries and efficiency in the

disbursement of such assistance. The Brandt Commission's

recommendations on this matter indicate that the present

concentration of staff -95 per cent of whom work in Washington at the

Bank's headquarters-tends to make the World Bank remote from the

problems and attitudes in borrowing countries. In addition, the

Bank's articles of agreement anticipated a decentralization of its

activities, but that has not yet happened. This decentralization

would, among other things, have enabled the Bank to attract and

retain a wider range of staff from developing countries.

103. The People's Revolutionary Government is firmly convinced that

only a reform of IMF and the World Bank along the lines just

mentioned can assist the developing countries, including small island

and small land-locked States, in their struggle to overcome external

indebtedness.

106. In order to allow for stability and economic growth in most

developing countries and to ensure that transfers of appropriate

technology can be implemented successfully, it is necessary that the

level of development assistance be greatly increased. That can be

done through a reformed World Bank and IMF. Indeed, the economies of

some developing countries are threatened with total collapse unless

there are greater development assistance flows.

107. In our opinion, the United Nations Convention on the Law of

the Sea can be a catalyst for peace, serving to eliminate potential

conflicts between neighbouring States. We view it also, of course, as

providing a welcome opportunity for economic development through the

exploitation of our marine resources. The Grenada delegation is

therefore happy that the Convention has been adopted and will be a

signatory to it in the near future.

108. With respect to South-South co-operation the People's

Revolutionary Government of Grenada recognizes that despite the

potential, progress has been slow. This is not surprising, however,

given the dependent nature of the relationship between developed and

developing countries. There is an urgent need, for instance, to

address the problem of air and sea transport facilities necessary for

realizing the goals of greater South-South trade and cooperation.

109. The High-Level Conference on Economic Cooperation among

Developing Countries, held at Caracas in 1981, did, however, begin

the process of defining more relevant concepts and operative

measures, including the creation of an institutional framework that

would permit developing countries to carry forward the programme for

economic co-operation among developing countries with greater

dynamism than in the past. With proper follow-up action this goal

could be realized.

110. Even as much of the international community continues to

suffer from the debilitating economic crisis, it is being further

pauperized and deprived of the benefits of much of its economic and

other resources by the persistent squandering of massive sums on

sophisticated armaments which threaten the world and its peoples with

extinction. Over the past few years, mankind has been forced to

listen to gruesome accounts of the production of increasing

quantities of monstrous weapons, and has been constrained to

contemplate, in apparent helplessness, its own destruction. In this

frightening context, Grenada appeals to the nuclear Powers to reverse

the present trend of nuclear proliferation and to begin the process

of meaningful arms control and arms reduction.

111. Grenada sees no logic in the concepts of nuclear first strike

or limited nuclear war. Such formulations are inherently

contradictory, if not reckless, and suggest a willingness on the part

of one nuclear Power to experiment with its nuclear toys. Therefore,

Grenada applauds the bold undertaking by the Soviet Union at the

second special session on disarmament not to be the first to use

nuclear weapons. We recognize the positive impact of that obligation

and call upon other nuclear States to respond in like manner, in the

interest of preserving world peace. Once again, Grenada calls for the

purposeful ratification of the SALT II agreement on the limitation of

strategic offensive arms. Grenada is resolutely committed to the

process of lessening international tension and the promotion of world

peace and disarmament. As a result, Grenada will support any serious

proposal from any quarter aimed at bringing an end to the arms race

and achieving world peace and social progress.

112. The world has just witnessed the worst episode of damage and

genocide since the Nazi era. This shameless act of cruelty comes as a

direct result of the irresponsible arming of Zionist Israel. The

extent of United States economic and military support to Israel is

irrefutable. Since June of this year, the sovereign territory of

Lebanon has been the testing ground for all sorts of American and

Israeli arms, to the detriment of thousands of human lives and of

Lebanese cities and villages. As the world witnessed this despicable

act of genocide and plunder, and was enraged thereby, the United

States shrugged its international responsibility and failed to

restrain its Zionist ally. In short, the two had become one in the

exercise of the so-called strategic alliance.

113. Of course, the massacre of hundreds of innocent, helpless

Palestinian refugees in their beds is an integral part of that

scenario and cannot be divorced from it. In this regard, Grenada

joins the international outcry against such butchery. We solemnly

condemn Israel for its invasion of Lebanon and the death and

suffering it has meted out to the Lebanese and Palestinian people.

114. Grenada is staunch in the belief that the territorial

integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon must be respected and demands

the withdrawal of the Zionist occupation forces. We sincerely hope

that the Lebanese people will move towards national reconciliation

and address themselves to the honourable task of national

reconstruction. Accordingly, Grenada calls upon the international

community to render all possible assistance to the people of Lebanon

at this critical time.

115. It is well known that the Middle East conflict derives from

the expulsion of the Palestinian people from their homeland.

Therefore, the conflict situation existing in that region can be

resolved only through the settlement of the Palestinian question.

Grenada urges an expeditious settlement of this matter in accordance

with relevant United Nations resolutions.

116. We recognize the signal importance of the peace proposals put

forward by the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference in September. These

proposals represent a reasonable basis for a resolution of the

Arab-Israeli conflict, and Grenada is proud to give them its total

support. At the same time, Grenada cannot accept in their entirety

the proposals submitted on 1 September by the United States

President, Ronald Reagan, on the issue, since they offer no solution

to the key issue of the creation of an independent Palestinian State.

This plan also seeks to marginalize if not negate the role and

importance of the PLO and is, therefore, untenable and manifestly

short-sighted.

117. The United Nations has recognized the PLO as the sole

authentic representative of the Palestinian people. Unfortunately,

the State of Israel and its powerful patron do not respect this

decision. However, it must now be clear to such forces that the

expulsion of the PLO from Beirut and its dispersal throughout the

Arab world do not amount to its defeat. In reality, the blood of the

Palestinian martyrs and patriots serves as a fertilizer that

nourishes their just cause. Grenada wishes to reaffirm its resolute

solidarity with the PLO and the Arab people of Palestine and condemns

most vehemently the atrocities committed against these people. We

also reject the expansionist and oppressive policies pursued by the

Begin-Sharon regime in the occupied territories.

118. War continues in the Gulf area much to the detriment of the

peoples of that part of the world and to the apparent delight of

imperialism. We call upon Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran to

cease hostilities, settle their disputes through peaceful means and

properly direct their resources to the task of national

reconstruction.

119. It is well known that the inhabitants of the People's

Republic of Kampuchea are shaping a new society through various

democratic structures. We categorically dismiss the

imperialist-sponsored "Kampuchea Coalition Government in Exile" as an

unmasked attempt to hide the bloody hand of the Pol Pot clique and to

give legitimacy to their counterrevolutionary activities. Grenada

reiterates its support for the Government of the People's Republic of

Kampuchea.

120. The situation in the Korean peninsula continues to be a

threat to world peace. Grenada urges the speedy reunification of

Korea. We also demand the withdrawal of all foreign military forces

from the peninsula.

121. Grenada is hopeful that a meaningful political settlement

will be achieved in Cyprus without further delay and that the

country's sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity will be fully

restored and respected.

122. Similarly, we support the call for self-determination for the

people of East Timor.

123. It is clear that some members of the so-called contact group

on Namibia have lost all contact with reality and have resorted to

dilatory tactics in the negotiations for independence for Namibia.

The unique electoral device of one man-two votes as posited by the

contact group is clearly inimical to the interests of SWAPO and has

been rightly rejected by the frontline States. The improper

intervention into the negotiation process by the United States,

through its irrelevant demand for the withdrawal of Cuban troops from

Angola as a pre-condition for the granting of independence to

Namibia, is largely responsible for the present impasse. The United

States position is also inconsistent with Security Council resolution

435 (1978) and is an attempt to interfere in the internal affairs of

Angola.

124. Besides, South Africa has been covertly preparing to alter

the internal Namibian constitution and administration, in an attempt

to erode SWAPO's support and delay the granting of independence to

Namibia by ignoring demands for elections supervised by the United

Nations. The treacherous incursions into Angola at critical points in

the negotiating process must be interpreted in this context.

125. Grenada emphasizes its resolute support for SWAPO and

stresses the inalienable right of the Namibian people to

self-determination and full independence. Grenada further calls upon

the United Nations to take expeditious action to bring about

independence for Namibia, since it is clear that the negotiations are

at a standstill.

126. The situation in southern Africa is characterized by South

Africa's determination to destabilize regional States through

economic pressure and sabotage, direct military intervention and the

sponsoring of mercenaries. The experience of States like Mozambique,

Angola, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Botswana, Lesotho and Seychelles attests to

this truth. Grenada urges southern African States to strengthen the

structures of the Southern African Development Co-ordination

Conference. At the same time, we emphatically denounce South Africa's

repeated attacks on these States, its support for disruptive groups

and bandits and its policy of economic destabilization.

127. In South Africa itself, the monstrous apartheid system has

been better armed and, no doubt, is more firmly entrenched-for the

time being. Our black brothers and sisters are held in veritable

concentration camps. Black workers are paid starvation wages for long

hours of hard labour. Their trade unions are outlawed and their

dedicated leaders are hounded like beasts. Yet, when we hear homilies

about the rights of trade unions and the importance of upholding

workers' democracy, the South African abuses are never highlighted.

Faced with this difficult situation, ANC continues to be the vanguard

for the liberation of the oppressed in South Africa. Grenada pledges

its continued support for ANC and our brothers and sisters of South

Africa in their struggle for human rights and majority rule.

128. The issue of Western Sahara has led to unfortunate

developments within the GAU which directly threaten to compromise its

future. Grenada respectfully urges its African brothers and sisters

to resolve speedily the dispute over Western Sahara. We reaffirm our

support for the POLISARIO Front and the Government and the people of

the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic in their just struggle for

self-determination, national independence and sovereignty.

129. The yearning of third world peoples for peace and stability

has given increasing popularity to the concept of regional zones of

peace. Parallel to our own struggle in the Caribbean and Central

American region, our brothers whose shores are washed by the Indian

Ocean have been calling for their region to be recognized as a zone

of peace.

13C. Conscious of the warmongering tactics of certain imperialist

elements in that part of the world, Grenada hails the determined

efforts of the Governments and the peoples of Mozambique, the United

Republic of Tanzania, India, Democratic Yemen, Mauritius, Madagascar

and Seychelles in this direction. We fully support their common

demand for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Indian Ocean;

the non-introduction and non-deployment of nuclear and other weapons

of mass destruction; the cessation of military manoeuvres by the

allies of South Africa and Israel; and the right of States to be free

from the threat of invasion by mercenaries.

131. This vexing question of mercenary activity continues to

threaten the peace and stability of a number of poor, developing

countries, as evidenced by recent attempts by imperialist-backed

mercenaries to overthrow the Seychelles Government. Despite limited

attempts by some countries to deal with this problem at the national

level, the international community lacks effective and comprehensive

machinery for this purpose.

132. Grenada and other countries of the hemisphere are

particularly conscious of this problem, since the likelihood of

mercenary invasion in our region, backed by certain imperialist State

entities, is quite real.

133. We once more register our support for the Roc Committee on

the Drafting of an International Convention against the Recruitment,

Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries. However, we note the

inability of that Committee to complete its assignment thus far. Once

more we urge that the work be expedited so that effective measures

can be taken to outlaw the recruitment, training, assembly, transit,

financing and use of mercenaries. The situation is one of urgency.

134. In the Latin American and Caribbean region, the militaristic

policy of the largest Power in the hemisphere seems aimed at

determining all issues on the basis of brute force and ruthless

economic might-hence the threats to Nicaragua, Cuba and Grenada. The

continued economic blockade and military threats against Cuba; the

ever-increasing threats against Nicaragua, including the training and

use of mercenaries from bases in neighbouring States; the attempts to

destabilize the revolutionary process in our own country, Grenada;

the illegal and provocative violation of our air space-all of these

militaristic postures display an amazing and unfortunate lack of

understanding on the part of the United States. We condemn and

deplore all efforts to pursue militaristic policies and policies of

confrontation in the Latin American and Caribbean region.

133. With respect to the so-called Caribbean Basin Initiative, it is

our view that this constitutes an attempt to sow the seeds of

divisiveness, and thus extend hegemony over countries in the region.

The "donor country" seeks by its so-called gifts to hold an entire

region to ransom by making a mockery of the concept of ideological

pluralism subscribed to by CARICOM member States and by the United

Nations system. This exposes the utter contempt with which it views

the sovereign and independent processes of the developing countries

of the region.

136. Grenada is seeking its own path to development and exercising

its sovereign right to find its own solutions to the problems which

have for centuries confronted its people. We therefore reject the

arrogant condescension of those who seek to dictate rather than

discuss, to isolate those with whom they disagree and to attempt to

make pawns of sovereign, independent peoples.

137. We insist on the inalienable right of every country,

irrespective of its size, to be master of its destiny. Recent events

in Western Europe have clearly shown that, in the interests of

development, countries will defend their sovereign right to conduct

business wherever they wish.

138. Intent on seeking an improved quality of life for its people,

and concerned about the integral development of the Caribbean region,

Grenada repeats the call for the Caribbean to be declared a zone of

peace, independence and development. This proposal was first accepted

in 1979 at the La Paz meeting of the Organization of American States.

At the seventh meeting of the Standing Committee of Foreign Ministers

of Caricom in March this year, Grenada reiterated that call. The

Caribbean must not be a zone of militarism, tension and confrontation.

139. Grenada issues a strong call for negotiations between

Argentina and the United Kingdom to resolve the issue of the Malvinas

Islands. Only through genuine negotiations held under the auspices of

the United Nations can there be a satisfactory solution to the

problem. The sad issue of the Malvinas provides one of these

inadvertent lessons of history which developing countries would do

well to note. In the final analysis our interests lie in recognizing

our own unity in diversity, in recognizing the need of the countries

of, Latin America and the Caribbean to create mechanisms for dealing

with problems peculiar to us.

140., Grenada wishes to reiterate that one of the firm principles on

which its foreign policy is based is anti-colonialism. Therefore we

declare once more our unswerving support for the people of Puerto

Rico in their just struggle to attain self-determination and

independence. We have another call for the elimination of this cancer

of colonialism from the Caribbean. We also express our very deep

concern over events in Central America, where scores of people have

lost their lives or have been forced to flee their homeland in search

of peace. In the light of Israel's present deplorable role in the

international arena, we further express our profound concern at the

presence of Israeli military advisers in Central America.

141. We also wish to express our unshakeable solidarity with our

Chilean brothers and sisters who are heroically resisting a brutal

regime and many of whom have been driven from their homeland to

languish in exile.

142. My Government wishes to express its total support for the

struggling people of El Salvador. It is our conviction that justice

and peace will ultimately triumph in that long-suffering country.

143. Once more we wish to declare our unstinting support for the

independent Caribbean nations of Belize and Guyana in their

determination to preserve full territorial integrity. We call on all

parties concerned to resort to measures as outlined in the Charter of

the United Nations to find a peaceful solution to the disputes; any

other approach to solving these disputes will be counterproductive

and catastrophic.

144. We reaffirm our full support for the just claim of Bolivia to

regain its access to the sea. We recognize that that country's

development is seriously impeded by a lack of such facilities.

145. I now turn to an issue of increasing urgency on the

international scene, one that affects my country most intimately. It

is the question of the special problems of small Island and small

land-locked developing States. For three years, including twice

before in this forum, Grenada, supported by others within that

category, has called the attention of the international community,

and in particular the richer and technologically advanced nations, to

the peculiar circumstances and needs occasioned by the phenomenon of

smallness. Addressing the Assembly at the 27th meeting of the

thirty-fourth session, our Prime Minister, Maurice Bishop, called for

smallness to be recognized as a new dimension in economic relations

and urged a heightened awareness of the inherent handicaps.

146. Last year, at the 33rd meeting of the thirty-sixth session,

we went further. My delegation, in an effort to sensitize the

international community to these issues, enumerated the economic and

social consequences of smallness in the present world economic system

and elaborated in addition a minimum programme for ongoing assistance

to those States.

147. Last year also, at the meetings of the Commonwealth Heads of

Government in Australia and the General Assembly of the Organization

of American States in Saint Lucia, my country continued its appeal to

the international community for special consideration in the face of

these characteristic developmental problems of this group of

countries, namely, small States.

148. More recently, at the meetings in London and Toronto of

Commonwealth Finance Ministers and the World Bank and IMF,

respectively, Grenada and other members of this specially

disadvantaged group raised again this pressing and critically

important issue. We have taken the initiative and are strongly

convinced, in the light of the current international economic

situation to which I earlier referred, that there is a need for a

special working conference in 1983, involving the United Nations and

its development agencies and the major international financial

institutions, like the World Bank, to examine the economic problems

of this group of countries and to make practical recommendations for

their solution. Out of that conference should come an international

action programme with a specific time-table for implementation. For

example, consider the matter of hurricanes and other natural

disasters which frequently devastate the economies of small States in

one blow. Often international relief, always so deeply appreciated,

takes months to arrive-hence the need for a rapidly deployable

rehabilitation scheme for such contingencies. Therefore, we appeal to

all our brothers and sisters in small island and small land-locked

developing States and also the international community for support on

this vital matter, since any improvement in our economic situation

must have a positive effect on the wider global community.

149. In conclusion, my delegation wishes to reaffirm its

commitment to the noble principles enshrined in the Charter of the

United Nations. Even in the face of the crisis in international

relations, we are steadfast in the belief that the United Nations

system constitutes the ultimate guarantee for peace and international

security. For our part we wish once again to express our willingness

to engage in dialogue at any level whatever with a view to promoting

regional peace and co-operation, thereby contributing to the

construction of a more just and peaceful world.