El Salvador, 1982

First of all, Mr. President, I wish to convey to you my most sincere

congratulations on your assumption of your office at this thirty-

seventh session of the General Assembly. I also wish to express my

Government's and my own pleasure at the good work done so tirelessly

by the Secretary- General since the day he assumed the lofty and

important responsibilities of his office. We are certain that his

sound knowledge, his broad judgement, his sensitivity and his

experience are and will continue to be positive factors that,

together with his realistic outlook, will lead to the accomplishment

of the mission entrusted to the Organization by the peoples of the

world.

I should now like to present the general foreign policy views of the

Government of National Unity, which I represent. Beginning in 1979,

El Salvador took the first steps towards the establishment of

appropriate and effective mechanisms to make the frequently postponed

process of social, economic and political change a reality; to enable

the great majority of the population to enjoy better living

conditions, democracy and social justice; to bring about effective

enjoyment of human rights by the exercise of self- determination; in

short, to enable Salvadorian society to improve its overall way of

life. Now, as then, my Government is engaged in a hard struggle to

reduce the numbers of people living in or on the borderline of

poverty, while also attempting to establish new structures with the

sole purpose of fostering the development of the human person.

The entire world already clearly recognizes the scope of the

structural reforms my Government has undertaken, particularly

agrarian reform, which has been termed the most thorough ever

undertaken in the Americas, and the nationalization of banking and

foreign trade. At the same time, we are undergoing a political,

democratic, participatory and pluralistic process the legitimacy of

which was confirmed when, on 28 March this year, our country entered

into history through the open door of elections held under the

scrutiny of observers from more than 50 countries, recognized

international organizations and institutions and some 300 foreign

journalists. On that day, before the eyes of a world that was half

indifferent and half amazed, the people of El Salvador rejected

violence, totalitarianism and terrorism and opted for the exercise of

self-determination by peaceful and rational means as a solution to

our many problems. The country chose the formula of pluralism and a

multi-party system. The present Government thus joined the political

forces that represent 92 per cent of the electorate and, acting in

keeping with the aspirations of the people, adopted the basic

platform of government known as the Pact of Apaneca, which emerged

from the common objectives of the various political parties as

expressed in the electoral campaign. Those basic objectives are

peace, democratization, human rights, the consolidation of social

reforms, the establishment of a climate of institutional and

juridical confidence, the strengthening of international relations

and economic recovery.

Naturally, since we are aware that good declarations are the

framework of great actions, and that at the present time pragmatic

steps that can achieve visible results are called for, my Government

has set up three commissions: a political commission, a peace

commission and a human rights commission. The Political Commission,

which is made up, infer of the forces that were proved most

representative by the elections, is designed to bring a greater

dynamism to the democratic process, to ensure its effective

implementation and to adopt the necessary measures for the

implementation of the Government's basic platform. The Peace

Commission seeks the attainment of peace in a social climate that

will enable all Salvadorians to live, work and fulfil themselves as

human beings through national reconciliation, the abandonment of

sectarian attitudes and the channeling of political interests along

an institutional path. It also proposes the solutions necessary to

bring about lasting harmony and social stability. The Human Rights

Commission serves as an instrument for the protection, promotion and

maintenance of human rights in the broadest sense and recommends

appropriate measures for the effective attainment of human rights.

To give an example of the way in which these commissions operate, I

am able to announce that the Political Commission has prepared a

timetable which includes deadlines for important political events,

among them the holding of presidential and municipal elections on 28

March 1984 at the latest. We hope that in these elections all

political sectors will be represented, without distinction as to

ideological or political views. It is clear that we are moving

forward along the path leading to peace, harmony, justice and

national unity.

A/37/PV.28

We must emphasize that the overall solution to the problem in El

Salvador is not to be found in El Salvador alone, since everybody

knows that there is a general situation of conflict in Central

America which gives rise to fresh tension and fosters old tension,

making it difficult for any political project to be viable and

stable. In this connection, the existence of various political

projects designed to meet and overcome the conditions resulting from

underdevelopment at the social, political and economic levels gives

rise to tension and conflict when there is an attempt to give one

priority over the other, and in certain sectors this nurtures the

illusion that the concepts are mutually exclusive. Thus, when there

is interventionist behaviour, regional peace is endangered in Central

America.

On the other hand, the situation in the region is not isolated from

the serious disorders in the international monetary system, the high

rates of unemployment, excessive protectionism and the many other

negative symptoms, all of which the Central American subregion is

encountering in its own social and political crisis.

Thus it is that there will be no peace in Central America if the arms

race continues; there will be no peace if the traffic in arms

continues; there will be no peace as long as people continue , to

support armed groups which seek to overthrow established Governments;

there will be no peace if there is no respect for the right of

peoples to self-determination; there will be no peace if people do

not reject overt or covert foreign intervention; there will be no

peace if there is no respect for ideological pluralism; there will be

no peace if unfair social and economic structures are not eliminated;

there will be no peace if democratic institutions are not

strengthened and if human rights are not fully exercised. In sum,

there will be no peace if people do not have faith and work for peace.

Through the introduction of political interests alien to Central

America, which derive from confrontations on a larger scale,

countries of the region tend to perpetuate our problems and to play

the game of the merchants of war. If we do not begin to formulate

ideas which lead to harmony based on trust, cooperation, our common

origin, our common geography and our common destiny, our peoples can

begin to write their own obituary-unless men of good will devote

themselves with great enthusiasm to the quest for peace. As long as

there is no peaceful coexistence, as long as there is no respect for

the principles of the self-determination of peoples and

non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, as long as

base foreign interests influence the behavior of some countries in

the region, stability, peace, democracy, development and social

justice will be beyond our reach.

That is why I pledge the good will of my Government in the efforts to

achieve that peace, which is the first and the essential factor in

the attainment of the other conditions in which the well-being of the

peoples can increase. For the same reason, it is essential that

Central American countries adopt consistent policies to limit

armament and military equipment; that end all traffic in arms; that

we neither accept provocation nor harass a neighbor; for we are all

entitledto organize ourselves at the social, economic and political

levels in the manner determined by the sovereign will of our peoples.

My appeal, the appeal of my people and of my Government, is for the

establishment of democracy, the full enjoyment of human rights, the

rule of social justice and peace, tolerance and brotherhood among the

peoples of Central America.

Aware of the fact that ideological pluralism must be the philosophy

which inspires our Government so as to make possible the free

interplay of ideas and thus the promotion of democracy, our domestic

position can be reflected at the international level only by an

attitude of respect for the struggles of the third world countries,

which find expression in political forums such as those of the Group

of 77 and the non-aligned movement. In the latter, El Salvador

retains its observer status, bearing in mind the origin and the true

doctrine which led to its foundation. Thus we wish to stand aloof

from East-West confrontations so as to facilitate progress along our

true path to development, while we strengthen our freedom, our

independence and our sovereignty.

There is no doubt that so far in 1982 situations of conflict have

arisen which have led to serious breaches of world peace. Some of

those conflicts started a long time ago; others have emerged in more

recent times and situations.

Certainly the behavior of the super-Powers in their mutual relations

as well as with regard to countries that are within their respective

spheres of influence has left much to be desired when it comes to the

quest for peace. Such situations lead only to greater conflict,

increasing suspicion and the stepping up of the arms race.

Historical experience of relations between nations convinces us that

no country remains indifferent to a disproportionate increase in a

neighbor's arsenal, although the latter may claim threats to its

territorial integrity as an excuse. Even an endless arms buildup

cannot alter the absurdity of that argument. That is why, in

principle, the technological and economic gap between the developed

and the developing countries must be closed, especially when

developing countries are poor in financial and investment resources.

The question arises as to whether this might be a legitimate need in

terms of security, and the answer is obviously that it is not. The

pretense of absolute security when dealing with a super-Power is

either an absurdity in itself or a pretext for extending hegemonistic

designs. The irrational arms buildup is offensive in its internal

effects on the poor countries, a source of concern for the wiser and

more prudent statesmen of the peoples living in the relevant region

and sows the seed of discord. National situations which are

exacerbated demagogically from outside and international tension

provoked by the extremist policies of ideological unilateralism which

denies pluralism constitute an explosive mixture which, unless action

is taken, could set the region ablaze.

We recognize that the process of change in societies becomes

irreversible both nationally and internationally and that the

strategy to be followed is not to fight against the march of history

but rather to adapt existing institutions to the necessary and

inevitable change. But, if we have firm conviction and faith in the

destiny of Central America, we can overcome our differences with a

view to adopting, by mutual agreement, methods which, without

sacrificing our vital interests, would allow harmonious coexistence

in the region, bearing in mind that the peoples are those who, in the

final analysis, will define and determine their own destiny.

In this sensitive and complicated context, the Governments of Costa

Rica, Honduras and El Salvador established in San Jose, Costa Rica,

on 19 January 1982, the Central American Democratic Community, a

noble integration initiative based on the common historical destiny

resulting from an identity of ideals, unswerving devotion to

democracy, recognition of the economic and social interdependence of

our peoples and the firm will to resolve, in a coordinated manner and

on a basis of solidarity, the social, political and economic problems

which beset Central America.

We wish to express cur disappointment at the results of the second

special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, which

dealt particularly with the problems of nuclear armament and the

dangers this poses at the present stage of history. Peoples all over

the world, although they have certainly been more vocal in certain

regions than in others, have clearly expressed their commitment to

peace and their rejection of any atomic confrontation, however

limited.

Recent events in Lebanon, including the reprehensible massacre in the

refugee camps, constitute a clear call to seek, by means of new

political formulas, a lasting and just agreement in regard to the

Palestinian problem, which continues to be at the heart of the

Arab-Israeli conflict. The absence of an overall solution in the

Middle East constitutes a permanent threat to world peace. We believe

that President Reagan's proposal, which was made known on 1

September, is truly intended to lead to a viable and just formula.

There is no doubt that, because of the influence the United States

has on events relating to the Arab-Israeli conflict, the initiative

of the United States President represents a step towards the solution

of the problem and therefore towards the achievement of peace in the

Middle East. This initiative is also in keeping with the letter and

the spirit of Camp David. In the circumstances we cannot but applaud

such a praiseworthy proposal, which points in the right direction.

I need not repeat that my country condemns the acquisition of

territories by force regardless of the method used to that end but we

also believe that the formal existence of the State of Israel must be

recognized and also its right to live, free from all threats or

pressures, within its own boundaries. This is a legitimate

aspiration, and equally legitimate is the aspiration of the

Palestinian people to establish its own State.

We must also refer to the question of Lebanon. After the trials that

this nation has experienced, the international community must see to

it that Lebanon enjoys full sovereignty, eliminating from its

territory all foreign military forces regardless of the pretext that

may be used for remaining there, and restoring to it, as an

independent country, complete control and jurisdiction over its

territory. In other words, Lebanon should be allowed to exercise all

the attributes of a sovereign State, capable of rejecting foreign

intervention or occupation. El Salvador, which does not and never

will permit interference by foreign troops in its territory, supports

any international initiative designed to enable Lebanon, as a free

and independent State, to achieve its political unity and territorial

integrity.

The agenda of this session of the General Assembly again includes the

question of Cyprus, which has been debated for many years. Thus the

international community is justly concerned over reaching a

definitive agreement. We have taken note with satisfaction of the

continued efforts of the Secretary-General and his missions of good

offices with a view to promoting talks between the two communities, a

mechanism which so far has proved the best vehicle for solving the

problem in a concerted manner. We must recognize in this case that

UNFICYP has fully carried out its basic mission of maintaining and

preserving the necessary climate of political tranquility to enable

the talks between the Turkish and Cypriot communities to be

successful.

We also wish to express our concern over the continued war between

the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq. This international conflict

has demonstrated the impotence of the United Nations. Had we not

known that the Security Council had discussed the matter and that the

Secretariat had made renewed efforts to resolve the dispute by

peaceful means, we would say that the entire machinery set up by the

Charter to end international disputes was a dead letter. How much

longer will war between those two nations continue without the

international community stopping it? The conduct of those two

countries has undoubtedly increased scepticism about the Organization.

Afghanistan continues to be a source of tension for the international

community. So long as the Afghan people is unable to determine its

own future, free from the flagrant intervention represented by the

presence of almost 100,000 Soviet soldiers, in violation of the most

basic principles of the Charter, there will be no just political

solution.

That situation has its counterpart in the occupation of Kampuchea by

Vietnamese troops, which has harmed the peace efforts in the entire

region of South-east Asia. An agreement to end this abnormal state of

affairs should be sought in the light of the tenets of the Charter.

The withdrawal of foreign troops is a prerequisite, because the

United Nations was created precisely to prevent such gross violations

of international peace and security.

El Salvador condemns in the strongest terms racial discrimination,

which has become the normal practice in the Government of South

Africa. The world's conscience has condemned apartheid which is the

antithesis of humanism. Therefore, cannot be reconciled with the

values of equity and harmonious coexistence. It is a link in the

chain of causes of the intermittent outbursts of violence which have

been manifestations of protest and rebelliousness against a clearly

unjust state of affairs. That is why we shall continue to co-operate

in the United Nations efforts to bring South Africa to respect the

universally accepted standards of the Charter.

The other question affecting southern Africa is related to South

Africa's behavior in Namibia. Through the United Nations, the

international community has promoted a framework for a solution by

which Namibia may attain its independence. To date South Africa has

been able, through subterfuge, to undermine a political settlement,

thus continuing its illegal occupation of the territory. What is

more, the territory has been used to launch continuous acts of

aggression. Therefore, efforts should be redoubled to remove

obstacles and bring about the prompt liberation of the people of

Namibia, thus eliminating another source of tension which is

poisoning international, including East-West, relations.

At the global level, the United Nations will continue to be an

appropriate instrument for dealing with crises and ending conflicts,

if we collectively renew our faith in it. But its institutional

machinery should not be .abused by diverting it towards propaganda,

for the benefit of sectarian interests, in the knowledge that such

action would be aimed not at the solution of problems but, rather, at

a temporary effect on public opinion.

Nevertheless, the threat to the United Nations as an institution is

even greater when it is given competence in the domestic affairs of

States, simply because these issues are linked with ideological

trends. In that case, the possible influence of the Organization

would be an obstacle to overcoming problems whose only solution

should lie, because of its character and nature, in the hands of the

people of the country, which knows its own situation better than

anyone. The artificiality of giving an international character to

national situations clashes with the essential principle of the

self-determination of peoples. I do not need to say that in giving

such situations that artificial character the interventionist

interests at work violate the principle of non-intervention in the

internal or external affairs of other States.

I turn to another matter-the Third United Nations Conference on the

Law of the Sea. It has been an exercise in patient negotiation in an

attempt to reconcile very varied interests. For that reason alone, it

is logical to say that no State could be completely satisfied. How

far have legitimate expectations been expressed in the final text

which has now been adopted? In our view that is the question which

all States are asking themselves. On their answer will depend the

United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, an international

instrument governing the norms and laws of the seas, including the

sea-bed. The vote on 30 April this year shows that this international

instrument commands wide acceptance.

Peace and development: these are two key words. Economic conflicts,

such as the North-South confrontation affect international relations

just as the hotbeds of political tension do. In that context, we all

know that the question of global negotiations was reexamined by the

General Assembly at its eleventh special session, just as it was at

the thirty-fifth and thirty-sixth sessions, without progress being

made. ' I do not believe that we should waste time by futilely

apportioning blame for the lack of progress. Rather, we must

emphasize the need to break out of this impasse, which has hurt

economic relations between developed and developing countries so much.

The great family of the Americas has so far this year given two

exceptional examples of solidarity, to which I wish to refer because

of the great significance of joint, simultaneous action which

presages the better days of which the Liberator Simon Bolivar dreamt.

I refer, in chronological order, to the valuable and emotional-but

none the less objective-backing which El Salvador's process of

democratization received from the overwhelming majority of brother

countries of Latin America, gathered at a meeting of the Organization

of American States in Castries, Saint Lucia. Thanks largely to that

support, the elections of 28 March this year were transformed from

ideals into reality.

The other demonstration of hemispheric solidarity was on behalf of

the sister Republic of Argentina, arising out of the stubborn

persistence of an obsolete colonialism. I am referring to the

Malvinas Islands. My Government supports Argentina's aspirations to

achieve full exercise of its sovereignty over the islands, on the

basis not only of hemispheric solidarity and of law, but also on the

basis of the principles contained in General Assembly resolution 1514

(XV). In keeping with these principles, El Salvador has supported,

still supports and will continue to support the process of

decolonization everywhere in the world. In reaffirming its commitment

to peace, El Salvador urges the parties involved to seek the means

available through international law to put an end to the dispute, in

particular by recourse to negotiation.

Today we celebrate the discovery of America. Irrespective of

polemics, legends or the myths of "popular history" concerning who

was the first navigator to sight American coasts and where he came

from, what is certain is that Columbus and Spain represent a symbol:

the symbol of the faith and the value of a man, the symbol of the

faith and the value of a kingdom.

Like the peoples of bygone days, the peoples of today are witness to

incredible feats, which are not unworthy of the great epics recorded

and transmitted by history.

However, to our shame, the peoples today, just as those of bygone

days, continue to witness remnants of colonialism that defy the trend

of history, provocations, hegemonism, aggression and exploitation.

While it is true that mankind has made prodigious technological

advances in its organization, procedures, aspirations and psychology,

there yet remains something akin to that mankind which once lived in

caves.

It is imperative for us to bring technological development into line

with social development, and vice versa. It is imperative for us to

break away from that absurd contradiction of a human race that has

not changed much since the Stone Age, with a technology that takes

the elements of war into outer space. It is imperative for us, for

mankind, to recognize the false steps that are taking us to the edge

of the abyss. It is imperative for us all to remember that the

victories of peace are nobler and more desirable than the victories

of war.