Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1969

42. Madam President, you will

understand better than anyone that, as I come to this

rostrum, my first concern is to associate myself with those

previous speakers who have made a tribute to the memory

of your illustrious predecessor, Mr. Emilio Arenales, who

has been torn from us by an untimely death. You will

understand this all the more because in your native Africa,

in our far-off Africa, it is traditional to associate the dead

with all the affairs of daily life. The tribute that the

Democratic Republic of the Congo pays to this great man

who has left us will be in keeping not only with that

African conviction and belief but also with the admiration

he inspired in those who knew his qualities as an enlightened

diplomat and eminent statesman. In spite of the

differences of opinion which can arise during the debates of

an Assembly such as ours, Mr. Arenales was able, thanks to

his knowledge of men, to rise above controversies. I hope

that, throughout our work at this twenty-fourth session,

the sacrifice which he made for the cause of the United

Nations and for the triumph of peace will serve us as a

model of devotion and abnegation.

43. Madam, your election to the presidency of the

twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly should be a

matter of profound satisfaction for all men and a cause of

legitimate pride for Africa in particular. Indeed, it testifies,

to the extent that such an election can do so, to the

fulfilment of the Charter principles relating to the struggle

being waged by all peoples against every form of discrimination.

The great experience you have acquired in the affairs

of your country, the interest you have shown for years in

the problems of the United Nations, your active collaboration

in the field of decolonization — all this constitutes for

the Congolese delegation and, I may venture to say, for all

delegations in this Assembly, a guarantee of your success in

carrying out your heavy task. My country, which is linked

to your own by ties of friendship and brotherhood, wishes

to assure you immediately of its sincere collaboration.

Following the example of a Mongi Slim and a Quaison-Sackey,

you will preside over the work of this twenty-fourth

session of the General Assembly with competence

and dignity, stamping it with the personality of the African

continent.

44. The delegation of the Democratic Republic of the

Congo, convinced as it is of the need for co-operation

among nations, will participate, as it has done every year, in

the work of the twenty-fourth session of the General

Assembly by making its contribution to the establishment

of world peace and to the preservation of the purposes and

principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations. It

will be our task to mobilize all means likely to promote

United Nations action for the maintenance of international

peace and security.

45. The deliberate violation of the principles of the

Charter is the cause of the tensions which are now rending

the world asunder, encouraging the arms race, jeopardizing

every effort to settle disputes peacefully and thereby

seriously endangering international peace and security.

Throughout the world — in Asia, in Africa, in Europe and in

America — our planet is dotted with centres of unrest.

46. In the very heart of Africa a tragedy is dividing a

nation, a great nation, which, with its economic and human

potential, should be considered a hope for our continent.

For reasons of selfish interests, this fratricidal war is being

kept alive by supplies of arms from abroad, thus preventing

the Organization of African Unity from playing its role of

mediation and conciliation.

47. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is’ particular!

sensitive to the sufferings of that people because it, too, has

been a victim of similar situations. It is therefore firmly

resolved to take an active part in the search for a just and

equitable solution which will safeguard first and foremost

the territorial integrity of that great country and then make

it possible to ensure a lasting peace for all the peoples of

Nigeria.

48. One cannot deny the sufferings and misery which this

war, like any other war, has brought in its wake. There is

obviously a need for humanitarian action. But it would be

unfortunate if, under the cover of such a noble objective,

certain institutions were to pursue political aims which are

opposed to the legitimate demands of the Nigerian people.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo, therefore, refuses

to encourage any national sincerity which would seek a

solution to its problem in secession. While it declines to

recognize the situation resulting from secession in Nigeria,

my country remains in favour of any action that would

ensure a lasting peace safeguarding the legitimate aspirations

of the Nigerian people as a whole. Our attitude, which

is dictated by both principle and reason, thus remains

invariably the same.

49. With regard to the Middle East, the Democratic

Republic of the Congo endorses the views expressed by the

Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report

[A/7601/Add.1]. In that part of the world, the resurgence

of violence and the increase in tension are further reducing

the prospects of peace. We favour negotiations among the

four great Powers affected by the conflict in the Middle

East in so far as such negotiations may lead to a solution of

lasting peace among the belligerents. However, we ask these

great Powers to be honest with themselves and to stop

encouraging the parties to the conflict by supplying them

with arms and munitions. The delegation of the Democratic

Republic of the Congo firmly believes that an objective

application of the Security Council resolution of 22

November 1967 [242 (1967)] would undoubtedly lead to

the establishment of a lasting peace in the Middle East.

50. In the Far East, it will soon be twenty-five years that

the Viet-Namese people have been involved in civil war, a

war which will have lasted for as many years as our

Organization. Here again, we are faced with the inability of

the United Nations to put an end to that tragedy, because

certain countries whose function in the Security Council is

to safeguard world peace have shirked their responsibilities

in order to preserve their own hegemony. The Paris

negotiations, which had appeared to offer a glimmer of

hope, are proving more and more of a disappointment. The

Democratic Republic of the Congo, at the risk of repeating

itself, reiterates the positions which it has always upheld,

namely, the right of peoples to self-determination and, in

the case of Viet-Nam, a return to the application of the

Geneva Agreements of 1954.

51. Moreover, it is impossible to refer to the problems of

the Far East without linking them with the influence of

China. No lasting peace can be established in South-East

Asia without the participation of the world’s most populous

country, a country with a considerable economic

potential. Moreover, mainland China, whether one likes it

or not, has become a nuclear Power. Truth compels us to

admit this fact. The universality towards which our

Organization aspires would be advanced if the People’s

Republic of China were associated in its work.

52. Unfortunately, however, it must be admitted that the

People’s Republic of China offers us little encouragement in

this respect. By setting up violence as the golden rule of its

foreign policy, by proclaiming armed struggle as a means of

ensuring its control over the Asian continent, the People’s

Republic of China is pursuing objectives which are far from

consonant with the ideals of peace contained in the Charter

of our Organization.

53. Furthermore, in the opinion of my delegation, if

mainland China should enter the United Nations, this

should not lead to the exclusion of Nationalist China. It

does indeed appear paradoxical to us that the very people

who wish to compel the international community to

recognize the eastern part of Germany as an independent

political entity refuse to admit that Nationalist China, a

Member of the United Nations, undeniably constitutes an

independent and sovereign political entity.

54. These factors will determine the attitude of the

Congolese delegation to the question of the presence of

Communist China in the United Nations.

55. The upheavals which are now taking place in the world

have not spared the European continent. Last year that

continent was the scene of events which quite rightly

aroused the indignation of the international community.

Our delegation cannot support a conception of regional

security which, in defiance of the principles of the Charter,

authorizes one State to interfere in the domestic affairs of

another, and which violates its sovereignty and its people’s

right to self-determination. Is it not tragic that, almost

twenty-five years after the establishment of our Organization,

a Member State has been unable to obtain from it any

effective protection of its rights and has been forced to seek

the ultimate explanation of its submission in the memory

of the tragic betrayal of Munich?

56. In keeping with this approach, we are prepared to

participate in good faith in the discussion of the item

entitled “The strengthening of international security“

[A/7654], which has been included in the agenda as a

result of the happy initiative taken by the Soviet delegation.

We venture to hope that a fruitful discussion of this

item will make it possible to attain the desired goals and so

contribute effectively to guaranteeing peace in the world.

57. If we wish to safeguard the peace and security of

nations, present world trends call for the elimination of the

fear of atomic warfare through the halting of the arms race,

both by prohibiting the production of nuclear weapons and

by destroying those weapons. It must be recognized that

the signing of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] was an obvious

manifestation of the willingness of all the signatory

countries to put an end to the danger that the arms race

represents. It is discouraging to note that the countries

directly affected by the arms race are at present content to

make mere declarations of intention. However, endorsing

the concern expressed by the Secretary-General in the

introduction to his annual report, we associate ourselves

with the appeal he addressed to the United States and the

Soviet Union “... to begin immediately their bilateral talks

to limit and reduce offensive and defensive strategic nuclear

weapons” [A/7601/Add.1, para. 30].

58. The atomic bomb contains in itself the elements for its

own limitation; but the same is not true of conventional

weapons, which, quietly but surely, continue to inflict

increasingly heavy losses of life on the human race.

59. We roundly condemn the use of all chemical and

bacteriological weapons and call upon all States to comply

scrupulously with the 1925 Protocol. Moreover, we

believe that the initiative taken by the delegations of the

Union of Soviet Socialist: Republics and eight other

countries in proposing the inclusion of this question in the

agenda of the twenty-fourth session of the General

Assembly [A/7655] deserves our support.

60. One highly topical question in which my delegation is

keenly interested is that of the reservation exclusively for

peaceful purposes of the sea-bed and the ocean floor, and

the subsoil thereof, and the use of their resources in the

interests of mankind. The delegation of the Democratic

Republic of the Congo will argue in favour of setting up

international machinery to administer the marine environment

and of establishing uniform legislation in this field.

61. We cannot speak of peace in the world, and even less

of peace in Africa, as long as millions of human beings still

remain subject to colonial exploitation and deprived of

their rights. While we may congratulate ourselves on the

results achieved by the United Nations in regard to

decolonization, as exemplified by the large number of

States which have acceded to independence since its

foundation, we cannot but stress the impasse created by the

cavalier attitude of Lisbon, Salisbury and Pretoria.

62. My country, which has frontiers in common with

Angola, intends to spare no effort in helping that people to

recover its full rights. It condemns Portugal’s anachronistic

attitude and urges it to apply, without further delay, the

relevant resolutions adopted in this matter by the United

Nations.

63. Where Rhodesia is concerned, it must be noted that

this question highlights two types of responsibility: the

individual responsibility of the administering Power and the

collective responsibility of the States Members of the

United Nations.

64. The individual responsibility of the administering

Power requires it, in accordance with the Charter, to

guarantee and assure to the people of Zimbabwe the full

enjoyment of its right to self-determination and independence.

Unfortunately, despite the formal and solemn

declarations of the administering Power, the people of

Zimbabwe have seen their rights betrayed for the benefit of

a white and racist minority. The United Kingdom Government,

which has described the attitude of Ian Smith as one

of rebellion, stubbornly refuses to take the appropriate

measures and is content to resort to the most fallacious

pretexts, which, furthermore, ill conceal its breach of faith

to 4 million Africans. On the one hand, the United

Kingdom advocates the strengthening of economic sanctions

against Rhodesia, while on the other, it refuses to

endorse the only course which can ensure such strengthening,

namely, that of inducing South Africa and Portugal to

co-operate loyally and fully in respect of those sanctions.

Given the bankruptcy of the policy of sanctions, which,

moreover, has been recognized by the United Kingdom,

what other solution does that country propose apart from

the use of force, a solution which it has not hesitated for a

Moment to adopt in similar circumstances?

65. It is not only the United Kingdom’s responsibility that

is at stake in this Rhodesian affair; that of our Organization

is equally involved. Unfortunately, we note that the United

Nations seems to acquiesce, because this is the easier

course, in the ineffective measures taken by the United

Kingdom, even at the risk of being charged with complicity

in the betrayal of 4 million Africans. It is regrettable to find

that the very ones who bear the main responsibility for the

maintenance of peace take refuge behind the specific

responsibility of the United Kingdom, a responsibility

assumed by the latter, oddly enough, in order to evade its

duty of effectively guaranteeing peace in that part of Africa.

66. It is true that up to now, Africa, confronted as it is

with intransigence, lack of understanding, not to mention

the attitude of defiance paraded by South Africa, Portugal

and the rebel authorities of Rhodesia, has always advocated

the use of force as a solution to the problems of

decolonization and apartheid. It is no less true that, in view

of the hypocrisy of certain Powers which are more inclined

to safeguard their economic interests than to permit

millions of Africans to preserve their dignity as human

beings, all of Africa, in its concern for understanding and

peace, has made a place in its struggle for liberation not

only for the use of force but also for peaceful negotiation.

67. Unanimously and as one man, the Heads of State and

Government of the Organization of African Unity, meeting

recently at Addis Ababa, adopted, at the sixth session of

the summit conference, a solution enshrining the Manifesto

on Southern Africa, from which I shall read an extract:

“Thus the liberation of Africa for which we are

struggling does not mean a reverse racialism. Nor is it an

aspect of African imperialism. As far as we are concerned

the present boundaries of the States of southern Africa

are the boundaries of what will be free and independent

African States. There is no question of our seeking or

accepting any alterations to our own boundaries at the

expense of these future free African nations.

“On the objectives of liberation as thus defined, we can

neither surrender nor compromise. We have always

preferred, and we still prefer, to achieve it without

physical violence. We would prefer to negotiate rather

than destroy, to talk rather than kill. We do not advocate

violence, we advocate an end to the violence against

human dignity which is now being perpetrated by the

oppressors of Africa. If peaceful progress to emancipation

were possible, or if changed circumstances were to make

it possible in the future, we would urge our brothers in

the resistance movements to use peaceful methods of

struggle even at the cost of some compromise on the

timing of change, But while peaceful progress is blocked

by actions of those at present in power in the states of

southern Africa, we have no choice but to give the

peoples of those territories all the support of which we

are capable in their struggle against their oppressors.”

[A/7754, paras. 11 and 12.]

68. Consequently, Africa has the right to require that

Pretoria, Salisbury and Lisbon should make an equitable

return for the attitude of conciliation which it has adopted.

So far, however, no worthwhile reaction has been noted.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo strongly denounces,

from this rostrum, the hypocrisy of those great Powers and

calls on them to co-operate with the United Nations to

wipe out the scourge which the policy of apartheid in

South Africa and that of racism in Rhodesia constitute for

the world.

69. I now take up one of the most challenging issues of

our time. It is that of the economic and social situation.

Several speakers from this rostrum, in fact, have repeatedly

expressed their concern at the increasing disparities

between the economy of the so-called developed countries

and that of the countries of the Third World, the so-called

developing countries, in order to bring out the gap that

divides them. In certain circles it is maintained that the

development of Member States is a matter of concern to

those States alone, and that it is for the developing

countries to make the necessary effort to improve the living

conditions of their peoples. This theory, which flows from

the sovereignty of States, is correct, but it should not

prevent the establishment of genuine co-operation in the

world between all countries, so as to facilitate the development

of the countries of the Third World. It is indeed a fact

that if such co-operation were completely lacking, the

balance of peace would be in jeopardy. Our Organization

has met this need by setting up various specialized agencies

whose purpose is to promote international co-operation in

every field.

70. Belonging as I do to a country which is classified

among the under-developed, I can assess the efforts which

the young countries are called upon to make and, above all,

the difficulties of every kind which they must overcome in

order to achieve their full development. I cannot, therefore,

associate myself with a certain view of world public opinion

which, without qualification, lays the responsibility for the

backwardness of developing countries at the door of those

countries alone. Poverty, hunger and ignorance — in a word

the under-development of which we are all aware — are in

fact primarily due to an egoistic conception of economic

relations among nations. And the solution today lies in an

equitable distribution of wealth, technical assistance and

co-operation among Member States.

71. It seems to us that the so-called “developed” world

should give proof of its goodwill by trying to understand

the obstacles which the developing countries have to face,

and above all by inspiring confidence in those countries by

giving them, without political ties, the aid they need to

improve their economic and social situation. Given this

approach, there is hope of achieving real co-operation and

harmonious development in the world.

72. The developing countries must cease to be mere

suppliers of raw materials. Consideration must resolutely be

given to replacing the assistance which they expect from

the developed countries by the establishment, in their own

countries, of processing industries which can ensure great

well-being for the peoples concerned.

73. We in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are

convinced that the problems confronting us today can be

solved if we make a sincere effort, without, of course,

losing sight of the principle of the interdependence of

nations.

74. For its part, the Democratic Republic of the Congo

has spared no effort for its economic development, with a

view to increasing the income of its population and bringing

it greater prosperity. My country has not hesitated to make

the necessary sacrifices. Thus, following up the domestic

monetary reform of 1967, it resolutely embarked on the

path of economic expansion by liberalizing its exchange

and making its legislation on the transfer of income more

flexible. Recently, it has also adopted a new investments

code, which is extremely favourable to foreign capital. We

hope that all these efforts will be followed by increased

assistance.

75. In this Assembly, we express in strong and positive

terms our desire for peace and co-operation with all

peoples, with a view to the economic and social progress of

our own peoples and of the world as a whole. Quite

recently, the Democratic Republic of the Congo gave proof

of its open-minded attitude to world co-operation by

organizing its first International Fair at Kinshasa, which was

attended by a number of countries from all continents and

belonging to different social and political systems.

76. The First United Nations Development Decade is

drawing to a close, and the developing countries unanimously

recognize that their hopes have been flatly betrayed.

At the twenty-third session of the General

Assembly, we heard voices full of bitterness and disappointment.

What could be the reason for this acknowledged

failure? The programme for this First Decade contained no

real policy to meet the desire for development and

co-operation. We should like to believe that, on the eve of

the Second Development Decade, all States Members of the

United Nations and the international organizations will

devote their efforts to evolving a more concrete and more

effective development policy.

77. It is a deplorable fact that since the accession of the

African countries to independence, their economies, like

those of other countries of the Third World, are still

suffering the consequences of the colonial system, the

economy of most of the developing countries being

primarily dependent on international trade.

78. The establishment of the United Nations Conference

on Trade and Development [resolution 1995 (XIX)]

aroused great hopes and was greeted with enthusiasm by

the developing countries. This institution was considered an

appropriate forum where the problems of the economic

imbalance in the world could be discussed in the best

possible conditions and where means for remedying them

could be found. Unfortunately, when faced with the facts,

the Third World has had to revise its opinion. The New

Delhi Conference, in fact, showed that the developed

countries are not prepared to give up the system of

privileges they enjoy but, on the contrary, are determined

to maintain the status quo in international economic

relations.

79. Here again, disappointment may jeopardize the relations

of confidence which should be established between

the two economic blocs, that of the disinherited countries,

on the one hand, and that of the rich countries on the

other. It is well known that the end of confidence means

the birth of suspicion, with all the consequences which that

involves for the maintenance of peace.

80. We believe that, during the Second Development

Decade, it would be more profitable to undertake the

preparation of specific economic agreements similar to

those which already exist for coffee, tin and other

commodities of the same kind than to confine ourselves to

more or less theoretical discussions about development. It is

urgently necessary to reach a general agreement on commodities

and to look forward to the elimination of the

artificial obstacles imposed by the developed countries on

the pretext of protecting their markets against products

originating in the developing countries. To this end, it

would be sufficient for the developed countries to show a

real political willingness to give a genuine meaning to this

Decade, since otherwise it will suffer the same: fate, the

same failure, as the current Decade, and it will thereafter be

difficult for the parties in question to undertake a

constructive dialogue.

81. To discuss the problems of economic development

without considering the part played by technology in

contemporary society would be to ignore one of the key

factors in any fruitful international co-operation: The

inability of countries to use the knowledge offered to us by

modern technology is one of the factors impeding our

efforts to close the gap between the industrialized and the

developing countries, a gap so wide that it jeopardizes

world peace. That is why, in various international forums,

we have emphasized the necessity of training technical

personnel in our countries.

82. In this connexion, it is fitting to draw attention here

to the work done by United Nations organs that are active

in the field of technical assistance and pre-investment. In

particular, I should like to express our gratitude to those

responsible for the United Nations Development Programme

for the work they have accomplished so far, and I

invite them, together with the United Nations Industrial

Development Organization, to increase their activities in

this field, where the needs of the developing countries are

still enormous.

83. In the course of its existence, the United Nations has

lived through some difficult and sometimes even critical

periods. It has had to face problems which have led to

fundamental divergencies between Member States. There is

every likelihood that it will be faced with perhaps even

more controversial problems in the future. I consider that,

despite the imperfections inherent in any human endeavour,

our Organization has contributed in large measure

to the solution of the major disputes that have divided

some of its Members. I should like to state here, formally

and explicitly, as a testimony of our loyalty and gratitude,

that the Democratic Republic of the Congo — which has had

occasion to appreciate the beneficent work of our

Organization — is still firmly devoted to the fundamental

principles of the Charter.

84. Now that I am about to leave this rostrum, I am very

happy to extend to U Thant, our Secretary-General, the

tribute which my country pays to you personally, Madam

President, as well as to the United Nations. Indeed, at tragic

moments in my country’s history, I have personally had

occasion to recognize the full extent of the courage and

devotion he has displayed in order that the cause of justice

and peace might triumph. Taking over a difficult succession,

that of the late Dag Hammarskjöld, whose memory I

once more salute, U Thant has been able, thanks to his

qualities as a conciliator and statesman, to bring the United

Nations Operation in the Congo to a successful conclusion,

an Operation which, in spite of that success, has none the

less continued to concern our Organization because of the

deficit which has resulted from it. I hope that the Member

States which have hitherto refrained from participating in

the financing of this Operation will reconsider their

position in the light of the result achieved.

85. Lastly, whatever difficulties our Organization may still

have to face, it is nevertheless my hope that next year, on

the twenty-fifth anniversary of its foundation, the United

Nations will be able to achieve the objectives which it is

pursuing for the greater good of all mankind.