Cyprus, 1969

156. All the speakers who

have preceded me to this rostrum have extended to the

President of the twenty-fourth session of the General

Assembly their congratulations on her election to this high

office. We fully endorse the tributes which have been paid

to her, and I wish to express my Government’s and my

delegation’s sincere wishes for complete success in the

performance of her most difficult task. We also associate

ourselves with the highly deserved eulogies which have been

paid to the memory of her predecessor, the late Emilio

Arenales, our dear friend and colleague, whose untimely

death has not only deprived Guatemala of a great statesman

but also deprives the United Nations and the cause of peace

of a dedicated servant, Before I proceed any further, I wish

to express once again to the Secretary-General, U Thant,

our appreciation and our admiration of the wisdom,

patience and ability with which he carries his heavy burden

in the pursuit of the objectives of the United Nations in all

the fields of its activity.

157. On a previous occasion in this Assembly [1585th

meeting], I dwelt on the merits and the usefulness of this

general debate, which has at times been questioned. I then

reached the conclusion that, despite their apparent theoretical

character, these debates are useful. I am still firmly of

this view. Whether we speak for the record or not, whether

we always mean what we say, whether we are all prepared

to put into practice what we profess to believe in, the fact

remains that we all feel the necessity of appearing before

the world as upholders of the Charter and of the declarations

of the United Nations as dedicated servants of peace

and as advocates of what is right and just. This in itself is of

significance because it clearly implies that we cannot appear

before the world as supporters of any different concepts or

values. This is expected of us, but this is not all that is

expected of us. For “words are not a substitute for hard

deeds, and noble rhetoric is no guarantee of noble results”

[1755th meeting, para. 45], as President Nixon said recently

in this Assembly.

158. When we are in the process of preparing our

statements for this debate, what we usually do first is to try

to recollect what we have said and what others have said in

previous years. This is an understandable effort on our part

to find a way to avoid repeating ourselves as far as possible

and whenever non-repetition does not bring us into conflict

with the principles, the ideals and the objectives which we

are indeed expected to repeat and reaffirm. What we try to

do — although we find it impossible to succeed, especially in

the absence of any major developments or significant

changes in the period that has elapsed since our previous

debate — is not to repeat ourselves when dealing with the

international situation and the various issues and problems

which compose it. We repeat ourselves, for the noble

rhetoric of the past has not, in most cases, been transformed

into noble results.

159. A main characteristic of this year’s debate which is

about to be concluded has been the absence of acrimonious

polemics, but at the same time the general tone has again

been one of pessimism, one of frustration, one of anxiety,

and we find it necessary to repeat ourselves in expressing

Our awareness of the dangers which threaten international

peace and security. Yet we do not seem to be prepared to

do what is needed. Wé know where the fault lies; it lies in

the fact that our declarations and our words are not

translated into deeds. We repeat our support for the United

Nations and call for its strengthening because, as we have

often said and admit, our Organization provides the only

hope for humanity. We repeat year after year the necessity

of turning the United Nations into a more effective

instrument for peace. We repeat our enumerations of the

causes for anxiety and the dangers with which we are faced,

and voice the agony of mankind in the light of the

increasingly deteriorating situation in the world.

160. In so doing, we do not overlook any achievements

and never fail to refer to any of the positive developments

in the world, however limited they may be. In fact,

sometimes we do so in such an exaggerated manner that, if

misconstrued, it might give the impression that we believe

we have taken the path leading to peace and prosperity; but

we have not taken this path, despite all the progress that

has been achieved in the various fields. The fact that we

know where this path can be found is not a source of

satisfaction or optimism, since we have not reached it, nor

have we taken it. This is indeed a reason for concern. The

fact that human imagination and ability have made such

amazing progress in science and technology is not a

consolation so long as this progress has not helped man to

resolve some of the small — comparatively speaking — and

meaningless problems which exist on this earth. The

comparison is even greater and the failure is even graver

today in the light of man’s conquest of space. While we hail

such great achievements, we must lament our inability to

find solutions to the problems which endanger our very

existence on our own planet.

161. It is against the background of these thoughts and

realities that once again this year we examine the world

situation which, during the past twelve months, has

continued to worsen, as was stated at the outset by the

Secretary-General in his introduction to the annual report

[A/7601/Add.1], and as indeed is the case. No improvement

on any of the most vital issues and problems has taken place.

162. One of the most important questions, an issue of

world-wide significance, of concern to the whole of

humanity and relating to its very existence and its very

survival is that of disarmament. Not only has there been no

progress towards disarmament, but even some of the

progress which was achieved in past years has lost most of

its value since in the meantime the arms race and the

production and piling up of nuclear weapons have become

faster and more dangerous than ever.

163. We were all — big and small — jubilant when the test-ban

Treaty of Moscow was signed. We thought that that

was not only the starting point of the total prohibition of

nuclear tests, but also the beginning of a most promising

process towards achieving the goal of the United

Nations — the goal set by the self-preservation instinct of

humanity — that of general and complete disarmament.

Later on, when the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] was concluded,

this was again welcomed as a step of some significance in

the same right direction.

164. What is the situation now? The piling up of nuclear

armaments continues at a fast pace and new types of

nuclear and other weapons are invented and produced.

What is the purpose and what would be the consequences

of this competition in the light of the realities of today,

which those who are primarily involved in that race are the

first to admit readily on every occasion, and which have so

aptly been stressed by the Secretary-General in the introduction

to his annual report? I quote his words:

“The notion of ‘superiority’ in such a race is an illusion,

as that notion can only lead to an endless competition in

which each side steps up its nuclear capabilities in an

effort to match, or exceed, the other side until the race

ends in unmitigated disaster for all. As the spiral of the

nuclear arms race goes up, the spiral of security goes

down” [A/7601/Add.1, para. 28].

165. In the atmosphere of disappointment and frustration

which prevailed a new ray of hope appeared on the horizon

when it became known that the two super-Powers were

about to begin talks on the limitation and reduction of

nuclear weapons, This welcome development gave rise to a

sigh of relief. Although these talks were expected to start

some time in the summer, they have not yet started. We

join with all others, and with the Secretary-General in

particular, in calling for the early commencement of these

talks in the hope that some of the progress which is so

urgently required can be made.

166. Whether in the United Nations, or in the Conference

of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva, or on a

multilateral or a bilateral basis, every endeavour should be

made to achieve some headway, not only in the prevention

of the arms race with relation to the sea-bed and the ocean

floor, not only in the prohibition of the production of

chemical and bacteriological weapons or in the extension of

the test-ban Treaty to include underground tests, and not

only because of the very valid considerations of which we

have been reminded by the Secretary-General in relation to

the economic and social consequences of disarmament, but

in opening at long last the door towards putting an end to

the arms race and towards general and complete disarmament,

which must remain the ultimate goal. Prompt

measures for arms control are now absolutely necessary to

prevent a further escalation of the arms race and meet the

growing danger from the development of new weapons.

167. The prohibition of chemical and biological warfare,

already long delayed, ought not to be further postponed. It

is unthinkable that enormous stocks of the most virulent

germs are being accumulated and stored for intended use

against the health and very existence of the human race.

Progress towards general and complete disarmament, on the

other hand, to be meaningful and realistically attainable

will have to be accompanied, if not preceded, by an

international security system organized through the United

Nations, on which all countries can rely for their security.

Nothing has been done in this direction, although the

maintenance of peace by the United Nations is the first and

primary duty of this Organization under the Charter. Even

the peace-keeping functions of the United Nations are still

in the stage of last-minute improvised methods.

168. It is time to make a truly determined effort to

achieve agreement on an organized system of United

Nations peace-keeping, which might form a basic element

of an international security arrangement. We, the small

countries whose freedom and security depend on international

security through the United Nations, must join our

efforts in strengthening the Organization as an instrument

of peace and security in the world. The survival of

humanity is at stake and will continue to be more

dangerously at stake — let us not forget that wars and

destruction were not the result of reason and common

sense — as long as the arms race goes on, especially in the

midst of so many grave sources of conflict that exist in

every corner of the globe. The peace-making role of the

United Nations in bringing about peaceful solutions to

these problems has to be developed and greater use should

also be made of the good offices of the Secretary-General

who, under the Charter, has full authority and discretion

exercise them, as he himself pertinently pointed out in the

introduction to his annual report [ibid., paras. 176 toI79].

169. It is true that the fate of mankind is to a large extent

in the hands of the great Powers. We are among those who

believe that it should not be so. We are among those who

believe that the fate of all, big and small, should be

entrusted to the United Nations as envisaged by those who,

after the Second World War, brought our Organization into

being 25 years ago for this very purpose and in response to

the strong wish and demand of a suffering humanity for

peace and security, for justice and freedom, for human

survival and human dignity. However, we have to admit

that that is not yet the case and we have to acknowledge

the realities with which we are still bound, namely, that the

great issues, at least, of peace and war, of freedom and

justice depend on and lie to a greater or lesser degree within

the limits of the willingness or the unwillingness of the

great Powers to do or not to do their duty and discharge

their obligations. This is a most unhealthy situation but at

the same time a real one. We are among those who disagree

with the concept of “the spheres of influence” or “the

spheres of control” and we are always ready to co-operate

with anyone in opposing any such concept. We are very

small. We cannot pretend that, on our own, we are in a

position to influence the course of developments in the

world. However, we, the small countries, all together within

the United Nations, by concerted action can achieve a great

deal. At least we can, constantly and jointly, keep

reminding the great Powers what is expected of them and

of their responsibilities which are inherent in their greatness

and in their strength, namely, to avert a disaster by

abandoning dangerous and outdated policies and approaches

and by endorsing and pursuing in a meaningful

manner the objectives of the United Nations. This in the

end would be in their own interests also and would secure

their own survival as well.

170. I wish to state, as I did in previous years, that if we

refer to some of the problems existing in the world it does

not mean that we wish to ignore or reduce the importance

of others to which we do not refer. If we avoid dealing with

all, apart from time considerations, it is also for the purpose

of laying emphasis on those to which we refer.

171. In Europe, where the division of the world into

sheres of influence was so much felt and emphasized last

year, the situation continues to be, as always, a reflection

of the over-all world situation. Despite any setbacks and

other negative developments, the effort to achieve a real

detente in Europe must be revived in a more determined

way. Without closing our eyes to the realities of the present

situation with regard to the division of Germany and to

Berlin — in the political, social and economic fields — it surely

cannot be forgotten that despite earlier and recent serious

and responsible efforts to reduce the tension and minimize

the dangers, in the light, as a matter of fact, of these very

realities, this situation has all along been the main source of

conflict and the main point of confrontation between the

two ideologically, politically and militarily opposing sides

in Europe. The division of countries, not only in Europe

but everywhere, has failed to provide a satisfactory answer

to the problems involved; on the contrary, if anything, it

has added new problems which present a continuous

potential danger to peace. This is also a reality that cannot

be ignored.

172. In Africa, where the policy of racial discrimination

id apartheid is mostly practised — in South Africa, in

Namibia and in Rhodesia — no progress has been made in

putting an end to these intolerable situations which

constitute not only a moral, legal crime and a human drama

but also a constant threat to peace. How long is the United

Nations going to be unable to deal effectively with these

problems? How long will those who are primarily responsible

continue to refuse to do something about them

despite the world-wide outcry? Does anyone really believe

that the world can live with these problems for ever, as

most of us have had occasion to indicate previously,

without paying a very high price in the end? On the same

continent the process of decolonization has not yet been

completed, and there are Territories — of course, elsewhere

too, but mainly in Africa — which are still under the colonial

yoke. Decolonization has been one of the fields in which

very important progress indeed has been made in our era

and in the United Nations. However, it will not be an

achievement in the long run if this process is not completed.

It is very discouraging and frustrating that we find

ourselves obliged to repeat ourselves on these issues year

after year.

173. Let us hope that the justified warning and the

determination of the Organization of African Unity, as

conveyed to us a few hours ago so clearly and in such

unmistakable terms by the President of the Federal

Republic of Cameroon, to seek an end to colonialism and

racism will create a new momentum in the United Nations

towards achieving our common goals.

174. In Africa, another human tragedy which has gone on

for some time, has not yet ended. I am speaking of Nigeria.

This problem should also be speedily solved in a spirit of

conciliation, for, apart from its grave humanitarian aspect,

many and dangerous political consequences may ensue if

peace is not secured as a matter of urgency.

175. Unfortunately we cannot do other than repeat

ourselves on the war which goes on in Viet-Nam—repeat our

views, our hopes, our wishes. In Asia there are other

problems too, but all of these have been overshadowed in

the past few years by what has been going on in Viet-Nam.

The bombing of North Viet-Nam has ceased. This was a

welcome and promising development. The United States

announced the withdrawal of some troops, which even as a

symbolic move should not be dismissed lightheartedly,

especially in the light of the declared objective of further

withdrawals. The talks in Paris, despite the original procedural

difficulties, did start and have been going on for

some time. All these are positive elements. Unfortunately,

there has been no progress yet on any matters of substance.

The war goes on, and so does human suffering; and the loss

of life continues. Surely it cannot continue indefinitely;

and we express again the same hope we expressed last year

and the year before, that the war may end soon and that

progress in that direction should be speedily achieved in the

Paris talks, so that the people of Viet-Nam, of the South

and of the North, may be allowed in peace and freedom to

determine their destiny, without outside interference from

any side.

176. In Latin America too there are problems. Parts of

this continent have been in turmoil for too long. Problems

arising either out of conflicts between States or out of

other reasons and sources await solutions.

177. If you look at a map of the world, you will reach the

conclusion that the trouble spots have increased rather than

decreased and that some of those which have been in

existence for some time have become more dangerous as

time has gone by. This is a lesson that can be learned from

those problems which for the time being do not present an

imminent danger and which to some people appear to have

lost their significance and to have ceased to present a

potential threat to peace.

178. As is natural, the Middle East situation is of

particular concern to us, since we are geographically so

close to the scene of this drama. Although we are not

involved in the conflict we feel and clearly sense the

possibilities for a wider conflict if it is not controlled now,

as a matter of urgency. It is no longer just another perennial

issue before the Assembly, as it was so wrongly considered

to be by some before 1967. It is now a war in the full sense

of the word. It is a war, out of which only a greater war can

erupt if a solution securing peace is not speedily reached.

The underlying issues of the Middle East situation are well

known to this Assembly and so is the whole background. It

is a problem that has been with the United Nations from its

very creation. Our views on the merits of the various issues

involved, on what the problem was before the 1967 war

and on what the problem is now as a result of the 1967 war

are well known and are on record; it is perhaps not

necessary to repeat them. What we do wish to repeat is that

in our view the Security Council in its resolution

242 (1967) of 22 November 1967 provided the answer in

the circumstances and in the face of the present realities.

That resolution contains many elements, the application of

all of which is important if an over-all solution is to be

reached. The withdrawal of the troops from the occupied

territories is of course of paramount importance. No

one — and least of all the United Nations — can justify in any

circumstances whatsoever the retention of territories

occupied as a result of war for bargaining or other purposes.

The other elements of that resolution too will have to be

implemented if peace is to be secured. Our position has

been very clear from the beginning. We have been supporting

the implementation of the Security Council resolution

and the mission of Ambassador Jarring, the representative

of the Secretary-General. We were honoured and

happy that Ambassador Jarring chose Cyprus to establish

his headquarters. We have in the past, we do now and we

shall in the future extend to him any facilities and any

assistance that he may require in pursuing his mission. We

believe that Ambassador Jarring’s mission should continue

and everything must be done, especially on the part of the

great Powers, to support and strengthen it. The initiative of

France in calling upon the three other great Powers to

co-operate with it in their capacity as permanent members

of the Security Council is a most constructive and

praiseworthy initiative in every respect. Whether the effort

will now continue between the Soviet Union and the

United States or whether it will be on the original

four-Power basis, the effort must go on, and the services of

Ambassador Jarring should more usefully be utilized by all

concerned. The Middle East situation is a continuous threat

to international peace. The continuation of the hostilities

will not solve any problem. Battles can be won but the war

cannot be won. The only alternative is a peaceful solution.

179. Before my concluding remarks I wish to make some

reference to the Cyprus question. I have nothing much to

report since last year. The situation on the island has

continued to be, on the whole, calm and peaceful. The talks

which started in June 1968 in pursuance of the good offices

and the initiatives of the Secretary-General and to which I

referred in my last year’s statement in this Assembly

[1696th meeting] have continued but it would be misleading

on my part if I were not to say that to our great;

regret no progress of any substance has been achieved in

those talks. Indeed, the differences are very serious despite

the fact that my Government has done its utmost in its

sincere desire to see this effort succeed. However, despite

the lack of progress in the talks, we believe that they must

continue. The peaceful atmosphere to which I have referred

and which should be maintained is always, of course, an

important element in the situation. In that respect I wish to

express once again our appreciation to the United Nations

peace force for its important contribution and our gratitude

to the Secretary-General for his sincere interest and his

continuous and most valuable efforts with regard to

Cyprus. Our appreciation also goes to all the United

Nations officials in Nicosia and in New York for their

contribution, as well as to all the countries which are

participating in or supporting in any way the United

Nations peace operation in Cyprus. I would not, I feel, give

a true picture if I were not to remind the Assembly of the

importance of the unilateral pacification and normalization

measures of my Government to which I also referred in my

Statement last year and which have remained, unfortunately,

without any response.

180. The Cyprus problem is well known to all of you here

for it comes under the responsibilities of the United

Nations. Indeed, the Charter and the principles of the

United Nations and the resolutions of the Security Council

and of the General Assembly, as well as the official United

Nations reports and findings on the problem, cannot be

divorced from any endeavour to find a peaceful solution.

We sincerely hope that despite the present difficulties it

may become possible to record some progress in the talks in

the not too distant future. We have been and are waiting for

the right response. It was said in this Assembly by a

colleague the other day, in relation to the same problem,

that all concessions should not be expected to come from

one side. With that I fully agree.

181. In our endeavours to find a peaceful solution to the

Cyprus problem our guiding consideration has been, as

President Nixon said in this Assembly in another context,

that “a peace, to be lasting, must leave no seeds of a future

war” [1755th meeting, para. 64]. This has been and will

continue to be our guiding consideration. Any solution of

the Cyprus problem must allow a peaceful evolution and

development, without Cyprus again becoming the scene of

conflict and more bloodshed. If this is to be achieved,

Cyprus must be a truly independent unitary State, without

restrictions and without division in one form or another.

The concept of division is contrary to conciliation and

unity and would bring about new strife and a new conflict.

Any such concept is furthermore contrary to the requirements

of peace and all United Nations principles and

specific pronouncements on the subject.

182. I have dealt with some of the problems which appear

to be high on the list of priorities for solution. There are

many other problems, in the political as well as in other

fields, some of them extremely important indeed. There is

the question of the application of and respect for human

rights and in this connexion much has been done, but much

more will have to be done. We urge the ratification and

implementation of the United Nations human rights

covenants [resolution 2200(XXI)] and we think that

additional measures should be taken to ensure the application

of human rights everywhere and the removal of racial

prejudice and discrimination. That is one of the fields

where theory, in the form of declarations, covenants and

conventions, is waiting to be put into practice in the

interests of justice and peace. There are a number of issues

relating to the strengthening of the United Nations. There is

in particular the need for its more efficient functioning and

co-ordination as well as for its more efficient financing and

for the more orderly growth of its regular budgets and

those of the specialized agencies. The United Nations

should be enabled to acquire reliable sources of revenue

independent of the contributions of its Members. In this

respect one might mention as an example the exploration

and exploitation of the sea-bed, to which the Prime

Minister of Malta referred earlier, and which could appropriately

be made through the United Nations, so that an

additional source of revenue might be provided for the

Organization — apart from any other valid reasons for doing

this. There are still many problems connected with the

economic and social injustices. In this also, as in many

other cases, we believe that the United Nations must be

utilized more effectively for the purpose of remedying

these situations. There is the question of bridging the

continually increasing gap between the developed and the

developing countries. We believe that it is the responsibility

mainly of the rich to do their utmost in that direction for it

is also in their own interests in the final analysis. There are

the problems of nutrition and education, and the role of

the United Nations may become greater in this field as well.

There are other important political problems to which

have not referred, some of which are on our agenda.

183. There are problems connected with youth throughout

the world, with their duties and their responsibilities

today and in the new world which will emerge tomorrow, a

subject to which special attention is being rightly paid this

year. There is the problem of human environment which

has been growing in importance. International action,

United Nations action, is now necessary, because the

pollution of the environment has become a rapidly growing

threat, nationally and internationally; it is necessary too

because most forms of pollution cross national boundaries

and many countries suffer because of dangerous pollution

in other countries. There are many other problems — political

and non-political — which call for action

political and non-political. All the problems, great and

small, political and non-political, whatever their nature and

definition, point in one direction and one direction alone,

namely that of the need for better understanding in the

world, that of accepting the reality of interdependence in

its real meaning, in every field, and that of making the

United Nations really effective in carrying out its great task.

They all point in one direction and one direction alone: we

must all strive towards the same goals, with hard deeds and

not merely with noble words, towards universal equality,

towards universal freedom, towards justice for all, towards

non-discrimination, towards self-determination for all,

towards mutual respect. All these are synonyms, all these

are the prerequisites for our basic and final objective, the

objective of the United Nations, that of lasting peace in the

world.

184. If the American astronauts went into space and

landed on the moon and left behind them the message that

“we came in peace for all mankind”, it surely means that

mankind can and must find the means and the strength to

achieve this goal of peace on this earth. The message which

was left behind on the surface of the moon is very

significant. We must try to live up to its real meaning. We

must grasp the extent of this great achievement of man

turning fiction into history and realizing a long cherished

dream. If we realize the importance and extent of this

achievement, if we think of man’s ability and immense

progress in technology and science, we can more easily

acknowledge that there is no justification for not being able

to turn our planet, which is only a small particle in the

universe, into a land of happiness for all those who

inhabit it.

185. We have to use more positive approaches consistent

with the moral values demanded in this space age. We have

to be governed by the spirit of today and of tomorrow and

not look at the world and at each other through the eyes,

the superstitions and the shortsightedness of the past.

Paradoxically enough, peace on earth still remains a dream,

while what was a dream, the conquest of space, has come

true. So we repeat ourselves in expressing our disappointments

and our hopes. The situation gives rise to pessimism

because, despite the achievements in space, in science and - in

technology, we are still unable to solve the problems on

our own planet. Despite all those achievements, we have

not been able to make any substantial progress towards

achieving the objectives of mankind. We are entering the

Second United Nations Development Decade. The United

Nations, which is about to complete a quarter of a century

of life, has not had much success — not through any fault of

its own — in realizing the hopes and aspirations of humanity,

which have appeared and sounded so close and attainable,

while man has leapt into space and conquered the unattainable.

This can also be a cause for optimism. If man has

reached the moon we can and must attain our objectives on

earth: We have to repeat ourselves in expressing the hope

and the expectation that both the great and we the small,

by complying with our responsibilities and’ our obligations

and by translating our words into deeds, will find and take

the path leading to our objectives, leading to peace, so that

mankind may at long last land safely on its own planet’s sea

of tranquillity.