Cape Verde, 1982

I have great pleasure, Sir, on behalf of the

Government of Cape Verde, in carrying out the

pleasant duty of extending to you our warmest

congratulations on your election to the

presidency of this thirty-seventh session of the

General Assembly. Your well-known statesmanlike

qualities and your experience in the diplomatic

arena are an earnest of the positive role which

we are confident you will play during your term

of office. We wish to express to your

predecessor, Mr. Kittani, our great appreciation

of the manner in which he carried out the onerous

duties involved in guiding the proceedings of the

thirty-sixth session, which dealt with problems

crucial to the future of the world. We should

like to take this opportunity also to wish Mr.

Perez de Cuellar every success in the performance

of his difficult task and to express to him our

appreciation of the efforts he has made since

taking office to reduce world tension, strengthen

the credibility of the Organization and

consolidate its foundations.

The decades which followed the founding of the

United Nations may be described as decades of

struggle for the application of one of its

fundamental principles: the right to

self-determination and independence of colonized

countries and peoples. It has been a titanic

struggle, on the scale of whole continents, a

struggle of whose results the United Nations can

well be proud.

The present international situation, marked by a

proliferation of sources of tension and armed

confrontation and also by a gradual return to

force as the primary instrument in international

relations, contains elements which pose a threat

to peace and impede the economic and social

development of peoples. The refusal to accept the

inexorable evolution of international relations

towards the strengthening of the links of

economic interdependence between the various

parts of the world and between different social

and political systems is undeniably the outcome

of the perpetuation of that situation. This

interdependence, which presupposes a global

effort to overcome the existing condition of

crisis, cannot be said to be compatible with the

specific interests of a particular country or

group of countries. More than ever before the

moral conscience of the peoples of the world

demands that relations of domination be replaced

once and for all by relations of co-operation,

force by dialogue and the risk of confrontation

by stability, security in international relations

and, finally, peace.

The Government of Cape Verde, for its part, is

sparing no effort to ensure the achievement of

these objectives, not only because they are in

keeping with the wishes of the people of Cape

Verde but also because it is convinced that to do

so is in the interests of the whole of mankind

and in accord with humanity's aspirations. The

Government of Cape Verde therefore bases its

actions on stubborn defense of the principles of

non-alignment and the Charter, the search for

fruitful co-operation with all peace-loving

nations and States which respect international

law, the promotion of domestic economic and

social development and the defense of all its

prerogatives of sovereignty and independence of

thought and action.

The African continent, which over the past few

decades has gradually found its way back to

sovereignty and independence, is today in the

grip of profound upheavals due to the delicate

stage in the evolution of its society and the

emancipation of its peoples. Those upheavals,

while reflecting an unshakeable will for change

and a persistent effort to meet the requirements

of the times, are nevertheless accompanied by

inhibitions and uncertainties, indicating the

limits and weaknesses of this movement, which is

on the rise, which is in progress now and which

should allow Africa to develop its potential and

guarantee its peoples the realization of their

most legitimate aspirations.

The economic crisis, which is particularly

affecting our continent, has made political

instability more likely, and this undermines the

basis of coordinated and integrated economic

development at the regional and sub-regional

levels. Situations of war or confrontation

between States of the continent undermine

confidence between our peoples, jeopardize

African unity and facilitate external

interference, threatening our sovereignty and

independence, which were won at such cost.

Among the crucial problems affecting the southern

part of the African continent, the question of

Namibia and the persistence of apartheid in South

Africa have an important place, because of their

implications for Africa and for the world. In

spite of the persistent efforts of the

international community, reflected in the many

Security Council resolutions and in the positions

taken by the non-aligned movement and by the

Organization of African Unity, Namibia continues

to be occupied by South Africa. Recent

initiatives to promote the application of

Security Council resolution 435 (1978) have

encountered difficulties of all kinds, including

delaying tactics by South Africa, intended not

only to create conditions favorable to a

conditional independence but also to destabilize

neighboring sovereign States. We hope that the

current talks on the question will soon produce

results, finally permitting the Namibian people

to be masters of their own destiny and to occupy

their proper place in the Assembly.

The independence of Namibia is the collective

responsibility of all the States Members of the

United Nations. We should therefore substantially

increase our support for the South West Africa

People's Organization, for the valiant Namibian

freedom fighters and for the front-line

States—particularly the People's Republic of

Angola, which has spared no effort and has shrunk

from no sacrifice—so that our duty and

responsibility towards the Namibian people shall

not be thwarted by South Africa.

The final declaration of the recent conference of

heads of State of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea-

Bissau, Mozambique and Sao Tome and Principe,

held in Praia, Cape Verde, on 21 and 22 September

this year, stated that making Namibia's

independence conditional on the withdrawal of

Cuban forces from Angola constituted flagrant

interference in the internal affairs of a State

Member of the United Nations and was contrary to

the spirit and the letter of resolution 435

(1978). Similarly, destabilization measures taken

against the front-line States, designed to deter

them from giving decisive support to the

liberation of Namibia, undeniably reflect a

desire to perpetuate colonial domination over

that Territory.

No one can any longer doubt that South Africa is

directing, financing and materially supporting a

large-scale destabilization operation against the

whole southern region of the African continent,

with particular emphasis on the People's Republic

of Angola and the People's Republic of

Mozambique. Since its independence in 1975 the

People's Republic of Angola has never known

peace. Its wish to bring about its development

and its efforts to reconstruct the country have

been systematically thwarted by the criminal

actions of the troops of the South African racist

regime, which have been invading and destroying

that country on various pretexts.

We flatly reject the avowed encouragement of, and

support for, the armed gangs that operate on

Mozambique territory in order to create a climate

of permanent instability. That action constitutes

a flagrant violation of the most elementary norms

governing coexistence between nations.

The inhuman system of apartheid is becoming ever

more arrogant and aggressive. Acts repugnant to

the conscience of mankind continue to be carried

out under it, and its constitutes an intolerable

defiance of the repeated decisions of, and

constant appeals from, the United Nations system.

In North Africa a fratricidal war is still going

on. Apart from its destruction of human life and

property, it threatens, by its very scale, peace

and security in the region. I am speaking of the

conflict between the Sahraoui Arab Democratic

Republic and the Kingdom of Morocco. In spite of

the difficulties in resolving the conflict within

the framework of the OAU, the need to bring about

a cease-fire and to bring the two parties to the

negotiating table, in accordance with the

relevant resolutions of the OAU and the United

Nations, has become urgent. The fact that the

Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic is today

recognized by almost a third of the members of

the international community shows the justice of

its struggle and the international support

enjoyed by the Sahraoui people.

The situation of the OAU today well illustrates

the dangers now threatening international

organizations which serve as instruments for the

liberation and emancipation of peoples. The

paralysis of and the explosive situation in the

OAU are reflections of the deliberate offensive

undertaken by forces which are counting on

splitting Africa and thus weakening it, with the

obvious goal of consolidating foreign interest in

the continent, strengthening the apartheid regime

and impeding the consolidation of the

independence of African States.

However, we are convinced that the moves at

present being undertaken will bring about a

resumption of dialogue and the beginnings of a

solution which would preserve the cohesiveness

and effectiveness of our continental

organization, because the survival of the OAU is

without any doubt of capital importance for all

the African States and peoples.

The problems that must be confronted by the OAU

have a varying impact, but they also have an

effect on the collective security of mankind and

on other international organizations, including

the United Nations itself.

We note with apprehension the undesirable

tendency to relegate the United Nations to a

secondary role in the resolution of conflicts and

when it is a matter of defusing tensions which

endanger world peace and security. Indeed, the

resolutions and recommendations of the supreme

organs of the Organization have been

systematically ignored; instead, what we have

seen are accomplished and the use of force. Acts

of this kind impede the just and final settlement

of conflicts by keeping them latent, and this in

turn makes them chronic and periodically

explosive. The United Nations and the principles

on which it is founded are the fruit of the

undeniable moral progress of mankind and

therefore provide the appropriate and reliable

framework for the just solutions of the conflicts

which plague us.

The Secretary-General, in the thorough and

courageous report on the work of the

Organization, devoted a large part of his text to

an assessment of the functioning of the

Organization and the denunciation of situations

and attitudes which reduce its effectiveness. His

analysis should give considerable food for

thought to all Member States which believe in the

unique and irreplaceable role of the United

Nations in the defense and promotion of

international peace and security. For small

countries like my own whose military capacity is

merely symbolic compared with the vast

destructive power accumulated by the great

Powers, the effectiveness of and strict respect

for international law and United Nations

decisions are of vital importance, because our

survival depends on recourse to dialogue to

resolve conflicts between States.

In this sense, and in keeping with the concern

expressed by the Secretary-General in his report,

my Government supports all initiatives designed

to strengthen the effectiveness of the United

Nations, which is the forum par for concerted

work and collective action for the maintenance of

peace and security.

Over the past few months we have witnessed

unprecedented exacerbation of the Middle East

crisis because of the aggression against and

occupation of Lebanese territory, as well as the

massacre of civilians carried out by Israeli

troops in a vain attempt to drown the Palestinian

people in blood and crush their heroic

resistance. We reaffirm our conviction that it

will be possible to reach a final solution only

when Israel withdraws from all the Arab

territories occupied since 1967, including

Jerusalem, and with the participation of the PLO,

the sole legitimate representative of the

Palestinian people, on an equal footing with all

the otherparties concerned, in all negotiations

on the solution of the Middle East problem.

We wish to pay a sincere tribute to the

progressive forces in Lebanon and the freedom

fighters of the PLO. Through their heroism and

their sense of dignity they have increased the

stature of the Arab nation and proved, with the

blood of its martyrs, t'<at peace in this region

will be possible only when the Palestinian people

are able to exercise their inalienable national

rights, including the right to establish their

own State.

The United Nations, in keeping with the

initiatives of the non-aligned movement and the

Organization of the Islamic Conference in

particular, should persist in its efforts to put

an end to the Iraqi-Iranian war, promote the

establishment of peace and bring stability to

this area.

Similarly, in South-East Asia, efforts must be

made to establish a climate of peace and

good-neighborliness.

In East Timor the occupying Power has not

succeeded in stifling the aspirations of the

Maubere people to independence and dignity. We

remain convinced that the international community

cannot tolerate a situation in which the politics

of accommodation is raised to the status of law,

and will assist the heroic people of East Timor

in its struggle for self- determination and

independence, under the leadership of the Frente

Revolucionaria de Timor Leste Independente, its

sole legitimate representative.

The international community, and in particular

Portugal, as administering Power, should continue

their efforts to mobilize all possible resources

to ensure that the Indonesian occupation forces

withdraw immediately from the Territory of East

Timor. The international community should not

tolerate a situation in which selfish interests

and agreements replace honor, morality and law,

thus denying by force of arms the political and

cultural identity of a whole people which has

proved that it is ready to make the supreme

sacrifice to liberate its homeland.

The persistence of other crisis situations in the

world in no way contributes to the attainment of

the noble goals of the Organization in Cyprus, we

still await a solution which would preserve the

rights of the two communities and the unity,

territorial integrity and sovereignty of that

non-aligned country.

In Afghanistan, respect for the right of the

Afghan people freely to choose its own destiny

should promote the restoration of stability and

permit that people to continue its work of

building a prosperous society.

The situation in the Indian Ocean region

continues to arouse the greatest concern,

particularly among the coastal countries.

Everything possible should be done within the

United Nations to transform the Indian Ocean into

a zone of peace, in keeping with the aspirations

of these countries and the wishes of the

international community at large.

Similarly, the heroic Korean people has been

persevering in its efforts to bring about the

peaceful reunification of its country. To ensure

the exercise of this legitimate right concrete

measures must be taken, in accordance with the

principles and recommendations of the non-aligned

movement, in particular those concerning the

replacement of the armistice agreement by a peace

agreement, non-interference in internal affairs

and the complete withdrawal of foreign troops

from Korean territory. We believe that these

conditions must be met if the peaceful

reunification of Korea is to be achieved and true

national unity established.

In Central America there continue to persist

alarming situations which contradict the most

elementary norms of international law and

constitute defiance of the objectives of the

Charter.

The arms race, which is reactivating the policy

of confrontation and tension, and which

engendered the cold war, is undermining the

principles laid down in the Charter and its noble

ideals of peace, justice and progress. At its

twelfth special session the General Assembly

found that the development of the situation since

1978 had not met the hopes aroused at its tenth

special session. Indeed the Programme of Action

contained in the Final Document of the Tenth

Special Session of the General Assembly remains

largely unimplemented. Although some progress has

been achieved in negotiations, we cannot but note

that the arms race, and in particular the nuclear

arms race, has assumed dangerous proportions, and

military expenditures have increased

considerably. We subscribe whole-heartedly to the

conclusions of the twelfth special session on

disarmament and support the comprehensive

programme of disarmament drafted by the General

Assembly at that session, which constitutes an

important step towards general and complete

disarmament under international control.

If they are to be lasting, international peace

and security cannot be built upon the

accumulation of arms; nor can they be maintained

through the precarious balance of deterrence or

doctrines based on strategic supremacy. We

continue to believe that the creation of

conditions favorable to disarmament and the

strengthening of peaceful coexistence, together

with a global development effort, are the key to

the collective security of the world.

Cape Verde, whose foreign policy is based on

non-alignment, will continue to work for the

implementation of the principles proclaimed by

the United Nations, an essential task of the

present time that is the responsibility and

indeed the duty of all States represented here.

The various elements of the international

situation are so closely interconnected that a

realistic analysis of the present situation must

be global in nature. In any ease, the concept of

peace cannot possibly be dissociated from the

equality of nations, the independence and

sovereignty of all States and the right to the

social and economic development of the world's

peoples.

We cannot claim to be working for peace in the

world as long as there are people living under

subhuman conditions. It is in this context that

we wish to express our concern at the evolution

of the international economic situation marked by

a generalized crisis which further exacerbates

the present injustice of the international

economic order. Inflation, high interest rates,

protectionism, unemployment, the reduction and

indeed the dislocation of economic growth and

economic activities are all factors that have a

dangerous impact on developing countries.

Although the present situation entails a serious

risk of driving the international economic system

towards uncontrollable imbalance, there are some

who see in this an additional reason not to

embark on genuine negotiations, sartorially or

globally, with the developing countries and thus

disregard the interdependence of the economies of

the North and the South. Furthermore this fails

to take account of the fact that collective

security can be achieved only through an adequate

response to the unjust situation created by

current international economic relations and the

persistence of a framework of economic relations

dating from colonial times.

No one can remain indifferent to the

international economic crisis—certainly not those

who are suffering most severely from its effects

and whose development has been severely thwarted

by this crisis. That is why we note with

apprehension the delay in opening global

negotiations and implementing the International

Development Strategy for the Third United Nations

Development Decade. The wish of the developing

countries to start global negotiations in

accordance with General Assembly resolution

34/138, which was adopted by consensus, stems

from the fact that for them these negotiations

are by no means futile initiatives. On the

contrary, they have to be reflected in tangible

results, in an improvement of their standard of

living, particularly with regard to food, health,

education and culture and the restructuring of

international economic relations.

Recently we had occasion to note with great

concern the undermining of the conditions for the

realization of the objectives of international

economic cooperation for development. We should

like to stress particularly the relative decline

in the level of contributions to financial

institutions within the United Nations system,

especially UNDP, an agency that makes an

important contribution to developing countries.

In this regard we would recall the recent appeal

made in the Final Declaration of the Foreign

Ministers of the Group of 77 on the imperative

need to make a firm start on the strengthening of

multilateral economic co-operation.

Economic co-operation among developing countries

is an important factor in international economic

relations. This co-operation, which cannot be

viewed as an alternative to North-South

co-operation, was strengthened by the meetings in

Arusha, Buenos Aires and, most recently, Caracas.

We welcome the additional momentum given to this

co-operation through the Caracas Programme of

Action and at subsequent meetings.

One year ago we expressed the wish that the last

scheduled session for negotiations on the Third

United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea

should really be the final one. Today, after

several years of difficult negotiation, the

Conference has succeeded in adopting the

Convention it drafted. The adoption of the

Convention by a great majority of countries is an

important victory for the international community

and also represents an important step towards the

establishnent of a new legal regime governing the

oceans.

We believe that the Convention protects the

interests of all countries and represents an

instrument of justice, peace, development and

co-operation among States. Despite the complexity

of the subject- matter and of the various

interests involved, the text of the Convention

was negotiated by consensus and is the result of

the balance that proved possible among the

interests of each and every one. That is why we

hope that all countries will be able to sign the

Final Act and, if possible, sign the Convention

itself at the session of the Conference that is

scheduled for December.

We deplore any unilateral or multilateral

initiative aimed at exploiting the resources of

the sea-bed outside the framework negotiated at

the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of

the Sea.

Cape Verde belongs to the group of least

developed countries, which was the subject of the

Conference held last September in Paris. At that

Conference the Substantial New Programme of

Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed

Countries was adopted. We believe that the

Conference was a significant stage in the

difficult process of dialogue between the

countries of the North and of the South, and we

welcome the objectives set forth. The achievement

of those objectives will be a response to the

problems facing the least developed countries,

whose economic situation has deteriorated in

comparison not only with the rich countries but

also with the developing countries.

We hope that the strengthening of selfish

nationalism and the deterioration in

international economic relations will not become

serious obstacles to the implementation of the

decisions of the Paris Conference.

Cape Verde, with the support of UNDP and pursuant

to the decisions of the Paris Conference,

organized a round table with its partners in

development from 21 to 23 June, at Praia. This

meeting helped not only to reconcile my country's

needs with what its partners could offer, but

also to explore procedures making possible a

tangible improvement in the effectiveness of

official development assistance for Cape Verde.

The head of Government of the Republic of Cape

Verde, in opening the discussions at the round

table, established a framework for this work and

described our concept of development, in the

following terms:

"The option of development in independence and

dignity is a strictly national option. We are

sure that the people of Cape Verde alone can

provide the driving force for their own progress

and we are determined to take up our self-imposed

task in a responsible and consistent manner.

"Nevertheless, in view of the scanty means

available to us for remedying our difficult

economic situation, it would be impossible for us

to overcome our current problems and build a

viable economy without the firm and programmed

support of the international community.

"Accordingly, we do not perceive external aid

merely as a means of alleviating the tragic

burden of the colonial legacy, or mitigating the

effects of recurring crises, or binding our

wounds in emergencies. We see it, at the present

stage of our economic and social development, as

something stable, programmed and rationalized,

adjusted to the imperatives, arising from the

process of establishing viable productive

structures for our country."

It is within this framework of mutual

responsibility, not to say collective

responsibility, that we believe that actions to

permit our people to enjoy their right to food,

education, health and justice should find their

proper place.

Consequently Cape Verde attaches great importance

to dialogue and co-operative efforts, with due

respect for the choice of each of us in resolving

problems connected with official development

assistance which, in our view, must be

predictable, guaranteed and adapted to the real

needs and development options of our country.

We think that the international community should

concern itself with improving the modalities of

assistance, in order to facilitate disbursements

and to make external aid a real support for the

efforts of our peoples to transform the harsh

circumstances they have to overcome. Apart from

the adverse effects of the international economic

situation, Cape Verde must also deal with a

series of unfavorable circumstances, such as the

lack of productive structures, and the existence

of such natural handicaps as the fact of being an

island with a mountainous terrain and, above all,

drought, which this year again has left my

country severely stricken and led to the loss of

almost all our crops.

I should therefore like to take this opportunity

to thank, on behalf of the Government and the

people of Cape Verde, all those who continue to

help relieve the heavy burden of underdevelopment

inherited from the colonial period and worsened

by natural catastrophes.

Cape Verde attaches particular importance to the

Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought

Control in the Sahel, of which the President of

the Republic of Cape Verde, Mr. Aristides

Pereira, is the current Chairman. The efforts of

the member countries of this Committee to fight

against the scourge of drought are well known to

the international community. Nevertheless, we

must recognize that these efforts are not

sufficient, in the light of the disastrous

effects of natural catastrophes, particularly in

terms of the steady deterioration of the soil of

a group of countries which are regarded as among

the most impoverished on our planet. Consequently

we are confident that the international community

will not neglect to strengthen its assistance to

the peoples of the Sahel, who are involved in an

arduous struggle to safeguard their food and

their development.

Despite the deadly conflicts, endless crises and

continuing supply threats afflicting mankind, we

can see real progress in some areas. That fact,

together with our confidence in man and in his

capacity to overcome his weaknesses, give us the

hope and the conviction that the international

community will find ways and means of eliminating

the nuclear threat, transforming the system of

unjust relations which prevails today in the

world, enabling the most impoverished to achieve

their aspirations, and bringing peace and

progress with justice.

It is therefore a matter of urgency that the

ability of the United Nations to take action be

strengthened and that the implementation of its

decisions and recommendations by all Member

States be assured. Relations among peoples, based

on a new concept of moral, political and legal

phenomena, will be increasingly in keeping with

mankind's ambitions, will make a contribution to

its emancipation and will guarantee the

ever-growing role of the United Nations system.

In conclusion, we should like to express our hope

that the work of this thirty-seventh session will

fulfil the expectations of the international

community, and especially of those whose right to

live in freedom and dignity has been infringed.