Burkina Faso, 1969

36. As the twenty-fourth session of the General

Assembly of our Organization opens, I should like with

your permission, Madam President, to begin by saying a few

words about your predecessor, the late Minister of Foreign

Affairs of Guatemala, Mr. Emilio Arenales. The tragic death

of that great diplomat was a heavy blow, not only to this

country, to which we desire to express our condolences,

but also to this Organization. After his warmly supported

election as President of the twenty-third session, he was

unable to complete the task he had so courageously

undertaken. We desire to pay a well-deserved tribute to his

memory.

37. Madam President, I must make a reference to the

event, so important for us Africans, of your election as

President of the twenty-fourth session of the General

Assembly. Your unanimous election to one of the most

difficult offices of our time is a mark of respect both for

your country and for yourself, whose sense of duty, skill

and long experience have so often been placed at the service

of our Organization.

38. We regard your widely acclaimed election as a recognition

by the international community of the increasingly

important role of the African continent and of its true

representatives in dealing with issues affecting the peace of

the world and our Organization. Furthermore, you represent

a country which upholds the same ideals as mine,

and one with which my country maintains the most cordial

relations. Your country’s history, geography and traditions

have progressively impelled it to devote its best efforts to

the defence of peace and to the attainment of the purposes

and principles of the Charter. My delegation is convinced

that these ideals will inspire and guide you in directing our

proceedings.

39. Upper Volta cannot refrain from expressing its disappointment

and apprehension at the events of 1969. We

are disappointed, for these events have not strengthened the

United Nations. And our disappointment is all the greater

because the San Francisco Charter appears to be under

increasing attack by forces challenging its purposes and

principles. Our apprehension arises from our concern about

the very future of our Organization.

40. Actuated by these two sentiments, and in a desire to

see my country make a modest contribution to the solution

of the problems exercising us, I wish to set forth my

Government’s views on certain issues as we see them from

the standpoint of our general foreign policy.

41. In my last statement from this rostrum [1568th

meeting] I referred to the serious problems confronting

new States, and I mentioned in particular those arising from

economic development, which is the basis of any State’s

political future.

42. In this connexion I am glad to be able to say today

that the revolutionary upheaval which took place in Upper

Volta early in 1966 proved in the long run to be beneficial.

After finding itself to begin with in a situation of grave

economic crisis and administrative disorganization, the

present Government of Upper Volta, with the unreserved

support of the people — which unhesitatingly accepted the

sacrifices dictated by the need to preserve our independence — has

succeeded in restoring and Strengthening the

foundations of the State, so gravely shaken by a succession

of administrative errors.

43. Today, therefore, Upper Volta feels that it has learned

something from the trials through which it has passed since

independence; some of these were imposed by the vicissitudes

of history, and others, closer at hand, by our enemies

on all sides. These trials have heightened the feeling of

national identity, so enabling our leaders, concerned for the

common good and striving after rapid economic and social

development, to look boldly beyond our frontiers and to

strengthen our co-operation with all States which respect

the new situation brought about by the popular uprising of 1966.

44. The Government brought to power by that uprising

has worked unremittingly to restore the national economy

of Upper Volta, and the results are encouraging. We have

laid great stress on the development of our external trade,

because of its importance for the financing of our development

and because of the leading part it plays in balancing

our national accounts.

45. From that standpoint, our trading activities are well

sustained and are based on a policy of seeking a wider range

of trading partners, in the interests of the country as a

whole and of producers. We wish here to draw attention to

the steadily expanding trade between Upper Volta and the

States of Eastern Europe, access to which, until recently,

had for a variety of reasons been difficult for us.

46. I should also like to mention that the volume of our

foreign trade in 1968 has been encouraging, since it was 15

per cent higher than in the previous year. Sound and

well-balanced public finances, an expanding trade and

broader diplomatic horizons: such is the present-day

picture in Upper Volta. This is a situation which my

country is resolved not merely to maintain, but also to

improve — with the assistance of all its friends, of course, but

above all in the conviction that it must count first and

foremost on itself and on its own resources.

47. Upper Volta is ready to face other difficulties and to

make the sacrifices necessary for strengthening its independence,

for the people of my country would never forgive

their leaders if they chose the easy and humiliating way out

by resorting to mendicancy and national abdication.

48. Once again we wish to thank all those States and

international agencies that are assisting us in our development

effort and to express our special appreciation of what

they are doing. At this point I should like to mention the

considerable assistance provided to Upper Volta by France

and the other member States of the European Economic

Community. The way in which this aid is planned and

carried out provides an example which many States or

groups of States might well imitate, of course with the

necessary adaptations.

49. The present level of our economic development, the

responsibilities that we must assume both in the short and

in the long term, and the needs we must meet in the process

of transforming an under-developed country into a modern

and fully sovereign State, naturally play their part in

providing the guidelines for our foreign policy.

50. In view of the importance we attach to economic

problems in general, this is the appropriate moment to

emphasize the serious problems encountered by developing

countries in the process of building up a modern economy.

51. Upper Volta remains convinced that, so long as the

problems facing the developing countries are not considered

with the necessary objectivity and detachment, the international

community will continue to live under the shadow of

insecurity, with all that that entails in the way of threats to

the safety of each of its members, until there is a general

conflagration.

52. As the First United Nations Development Decade

draws to a close, it is distressing to note that no substantial

progress has been made towards solving the problems of

international trade and in particular the problem of the

deterioration in the terms of trade. We must not just resign

ourselves to the failure of the New Delhi Conference. To

break the deadlock, we urgently appeal to the developed

countries not to adopt an unhelpful and selfish attitude.

The present trade pattern, which is very much to their

advantage, cannot last indefinitely; sooner or later, the

States that are the victims of this deplorable situation must

be expected to react against it, with the gravest consequences

for international peace and security. Accordingly,

we feel that, in the spirit of solidarity which should

characterize our world, now so small, the developed

countries should have the political will to co-operate with

the developing countries in the quest for equitable solutions

to the problems of international trade.

53. Some States have spent enormous sums, equivalent to

the budgetary expenditure of a small member State for

hundreds of years, and displayed extraordinary energy and

determination in order to accomplish outstanding technical

feats: the placing of the first men on the moon is a vivid

example of this, if example were needed. At the time we

applauded this historic exploit, but we continue to experience

day by day the reality of our economic difficulties.

In this connexion, we cannot but feel that the same

effort, though infinitely superior in terms of moral and

humanitarian values, could be made to improve the lot of

millions of human beings caught up in an endless round of

suffering. If this were not the case, the poor countries

would feel even greater bitterness at the indifference of the

wealthy Powers to their poverty.

54. As we know, the First United Nations Development

Decade is closing in failure, for the target of a 5 per cent

growth rate which, when all is said and done, was a modest

one, has not been attained. To us, this adverse result is a

clear sign of the lack of international solidarity and the

tragic absence of political will.

55. Of course, we hope that States will draw the necessary

inferences from the failure of the First Development Decade

and try to make the Second a success. But, even so, we have

justifiable misgivings at the non-participation of certain

States in the preparations for the Second Development

Decade, and regard this as a matter for serious concern.

56. The developing countries are also concerned at the rise

in the World Bank’s interest rate, now 7 per cent. As a

result, the poor countries, already heavily in debt, will see

their indebtedness increase still further. We find it all the

more difficult to understand the World Bank’s decision,

because in September 1968 it decided that greater efforts

should be made to ensure that the services of international

financial institutions were available in the first instance to

the developing countries.

57. Unfortunately, economic problems are not the only

ones we have to face. The world is perhaps m a more

disturbed state today than it ever was before. We seem to

be living again the events which 30 years ago led up to the

Second World War. In the opinion of the Government of

Upper Volta, the international community must find

solutions to the burning problems of the modern world, so

that all nations may at last enjoy peace and security.

58. In an age when the world has been made so much

smaller by technical and scientific progress, it is more than

ever essential that States should be animated by the desire

to work together to achieve peace and progress. It is more

than ever essential that they should, once and for all, turn

their backs on war and on intolerance in all its forms, in

particular racial and religious intolerance. Many of our

problems would be more easily solved if the great Powers

would only forget their differences, often dating back to a

bygone age, which have gradually led to the present division

of the world into opposing blocs, the source of most of the

grave crises familiar to us all.

59. Upper Volta has been made aware of the dangers of

this situation through the obstacles placed in the way of

relations between States. For that reason, we have sought

to establish relations with more countries, on the basis of

the principles of independence, non-interference in domestic

affairs, mutual respect, and economic and cultural

co-operation. Present-day experience shows that interdependence

is undoubtedly one means by which mankind can

eliminate the painful spectacle of poor countries desperately

struggling to break free from their unhappy destiny.

60. Our common aspirations for peace and progress could

be realized if the international community were not

preoccupied every day by the tensions and clashes which

afflict certain parts of the world. How much effort is

wasted in these fruitless struggles whose sole result is to

bring insecurity and misery to regions whose sole desire is

peace!

61. In the Middle East the situation deteriorates from to

day. It is to be feared that the violations of the cease-fire

line by both sides, inevitable in the present circumstances,

may lead the parties to a new and violent confrontation;

hence the need to find a just and lasting solution to this

conflict.

62. My delegation is of the opinion that the Security

Council resolution [242 (1967)] of 22 November 1967

provides an. adequate basis for settlement of the conflict in

the Middle East and that any differences of interpretation

to which its text may give rise — and in fact it is quite

clear — should not lead the parties to reject it. On the basis

of the idea that all States in the region have a right to

existence and that the territorial integrity of each must be

respected, a number of compromise solutions can be found

for the other problems.

63. In my country’s view, the discussions between the

great Powers on the Middle East question have been a fresh

and encouraging feature of the search for a solution to the

crisis. Despite their different viewpoints on this question,

and despite the diversity of their interests, we believe that

there is no reason why the great Powers should not make

proposals for settlement to the parties involved. We

therefore appeal to those parties not to reject from the

outset any proposal that might lead to peace.

64. With regard to the conflict in Viet-Nam, my country

both deplores its continuation — a major obstacle to co-operation

among the States of that region and to the

relaxation of international tension — and regrets the failure

of the parties to make any serious effort to turn to account

the various opportunities that have arisen for putting an

end to it. The Paris talks aroused some hopes at the

beginning, but since then they have made no headway and

this is a disquieting sign for the future. In the opinion of

the Government of Upper Volta, if the withdrawal of

United States troops were speeded up, that would create a

new situation which the parties should take advantage of to

put an end to the conflict on the basis of the Geneva

Agreements of 1954. We continue to believe that this war

must be brought to an end, for there is no longer any

reason why it should go on.

65. I cannot pass over in silence the tragedy of Nigeria,

which is a tragedy for the whole of Africa. We must deplore

the action of those who, from outside Africa, and by a

clever and calculated policy, have brought about the

present situation in the State and sister nation of Nigeria.

General Lamizana, the President of Upper Volta, said in

1967: “If Europe is for the Europeans, and America for the

Americans — something that no one disputes — then why

should not Africa be for the Africans?” The civil war is still

raging, with all its misery and suffering. All of us here are

greatly concerned at the very distressing humanitarian

problems resulting from the situation of the civilian

population. The reason why we have always refused to

consider this aspect in isolation is that Upper Volta remains

convinced that the surest, and perhaps also the most

humanitarian, way to a genuinely lasting solution is to

recognize the territorial integrity of Nigeria, a Member

State of our Organization. There is every reason to believe

that, once self-seeking and passion have died away, the guns

too will fall silent, so that brother Nigerians who were

yesterday at loggerheads can become reconciled and work

shoulder to shoulder in the future for a prosperous Nigeria.

We therefore address a solemn and urgent appeal to all

States, particularly to those whose actions or inaction can

have some influence on the parties, to join in the quest for

a solution, which must necessarily be an African one.

66. Another thing to bear in mind is that the process of

decolonization must be brought to completion. One of the

greatest dangers to international peace and security is the

continued existence, in the middle of the twentieth

century, of regimes based on the colonial domination of a

racist minority, backed by forces that seek to remain

hidden but which all of us can readily identify. On the

problem of decolonization, it has to be recognized that

there has been a failure to act. The refusal, or at all events

the powerlessness, of the United Nations to take appropriate

measures to ensure the implementation of General

Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and all the other resolutions

that we have adopted by large majorities provides

ample reason for the disappointment felt by the peoples of

the colonial countries.

67. Once again we should like to voice our indignation and

concern at the explosive situation created and maintained

in southern Africa by the colonialist and racist States and

their accomplices. In Rhodesia, the situation is getting

worse. With the manifest complicity of the administering

Power the rebel minority has consolidated its position.

Every attempt made by the peace-loving and freedom-loving

Member States of the United Nations has had to

contend with the selfish interests of certain Member States

which, directly or indirectly, are the economic, commercial

and diplomatic allies of the Rhodesian rebels. In view of

this situation and the obvious failure of the policy of

sanctions, my delegation hopes that the General Assembly

will, at this session, take the measures that are now

necessary. But it is already clear that the people of

Zimbabwe, in order to recover their independence and

freedom, will have to rely first and foremost on themselves,

draw upon all their physical, economic and moral resources,

and courageously continue their struggle. We are certain

that with the assistance of all peace-loving and freedom-loving

States, the people of Zimbabwe will triumph.

68. As regards the territories administered by Portugal, the

Lisbon authorities continue with impunity to defy the

wishes of the peoples of those territories and international

public opinion. Portugal has still not learned that it is time

to end this arrogant form of political domination; but the

tide of decolonization cannot be turned back, and Portugal

will learn this to its cost; of this we are convinced. It is true

that Portugal is strongly supported in its colonial policy by

Members of our Organization, but it must be remembered

that the valiant freedom fighters of Angola, Mozambique

and Guinea (Bissau) have behind them the peoples of Africa

and every peace-loving and freedom-loving State. We

ourselves once again take the opportunity to assure them of

our whole-hearted support.

69. My delegation considers that the situation in South

Africa and in Namibia, which is under illegal occupation,

constitutes an imminent threat to international peace and

security. The resolutions so far adopted by our Organization

have done nothing to change the situation. South

Africa has steadfastly refused to co-operate with the United

Nations on the question of Namibia, and it becomes clear,

therefore, that the measures that should be taken to oblige

South Africa to withdraw from Namibia are those laid

down in Articles 41 and 42 of the Charter.

70. Our Organization must show that it is and will remain

the paramount body to which peoples suffering injustice

and oppression can appeal, for its prestige and its very

survival are at stake. In our view, those who sell arms to

South Africa are its accomplices, for the only purpose of

those arms is to strengthen that State and thus to encourage

it to continue its policy of defiance of our Organization and

of domination over Namibia.

71. Today, more than 20 years after the adoption of the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, racial intolerance is

a scourge which is still with us and must be fought. The

explosive situation in southern Africa is due largely to the

policy of apartheid instituted by the authorities in Pretoria.

All States must whole-heartedly condemn the policy of

racial discrimination practised by the South African authorities,

and bring the maximum pressure to bear on that

country so that it will renounce that form of domination.

We continue to believe that apartheid is a standing threat to

international peace and security and that our Organization

should tackle the problem of apartheid from that standpoint.

72. As is the case every year when the time for stocktaking

comes round, we feel bound to raise the question of

the future of our Organization as an instrument for the

maintenance of peace and the settlement of disputes.

73. My delegation would wish in the first place to express

its appreciation of the Secretary-General’s tireless efforts

both to relieve the tension in situations of crisis and to

ensure that our Organization plays its full role.

74. The feeling that we still have today is that our

Organization is impotent, because many of the decisions

which we take, sometimes almost unanimously, remain a

dead letter. At times of serious crisis, the United Nations,

weakened by its contradictions and the conflict of selfish

interests, is unable to find the solutions that are needed.

There are two reasons for this impotence: the fact that the

United Nations is without adequate means to implement its

decisions, and the attitude of certain Member States that

refuse to co-operate with it. For, while it is true that,

legally speaking, no Member State directly challenges the

fundamental principles of the Charter, the fact remains that

the behaviour of certain Member States constitutes a

negation of those principles. This impotence of the United

Nations is to a large extent brought about by the attitude

of the great Powers, whose differences destroy cohesion

among its Members. It is necessary therefore that the great

Powers should become aware of their responsibilities and

act in such a way as to strengthen the United Nations and

make it more effective, as prescribed in the Charter. The

greater the power and influence, the greater should be the

responsibility.

75. We also believe that the small Powers, which make up

the majority in our international community, should not

underestimate the contribution they can make to the

strengthening of our Organization. Since they are the ones

that have suffered the most from the decline of our

Organization, the small Powers should pool their efforts

and seize every opportunity offered through bilateral

contacts and relations, to draw the attention of the great

Powers to the dangers resulting from the inability of the

United Nations to act.

76. We in my country continue to place our hopes in the

United Nations. Despite its weaknesses and its vicissitudes,

it remains an essential instrument for co-operation and a

privileged place where it is possible to meet and take

counsel in the most difficult moments. Each Member State

must exercise self-control, and all peoples must be imbued

with the idea that their destinies are inextricably linked and

that progress and peace depend on co-operation. Neither

war nor the defence of selfish interests, contrary to the

principles of the Charter, can bring us any nearer to a

solution of our problems. If, however, the Member States

of the United Nations show themselves capable of choosing

the path of co-operation and active solidarity, and realize

that they have common interests and a common destiny,

then there is every reason for hope, since the progress of

science and technology, if proper advantage is taken of it,

can ensure a better future for all.

77. The Republic of the Upper Volta is ready to make its

modest contribution towards furthering any initiative, no

matter what its source, which may lead to peace, international

security and the progress of mankind. We express our

warmest good wishes for the full success of the work of the

twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly.