Bolivia, 1969

1. Madam President, I do not wish merely to

congratulate you on your election as a matter of form, but

rather to recall something of the spirit of hope and vitality

which you expressed in your introductory address, especially

when you said that the United Nations is:

”...the best means of international co-operation that

mankind has had at his disposal since the beginning of his

history and we have to nurse it and cherish and cultivate

it, or else we shall one day perish and not even the moon

or the knowledge of space will save us.” [1753rd meeting,

para. 50.]

2. It is likewise my duty to convey to the representative of

Guatemala my Government’s condolences on the premature

death of its distinguished Foreign Minister, Emilio Arenales,

who so skillfully guided the deliberations of the

twenty-third session of this Assembly.

3. The conquest of space, travel to the moon, the probes

sent out to Mars and Venus are triumphs for technology

and hence for human intelligence. Yet, how little man has

achieved for himself! How small he seems when he looks

into his own soul and realizes the weakness of the moral

forces which sustain him and the narrowness of the limits

of his power on earth! The formulas for social balance

have not yet made their appearance, and this century

knows no elixir of well-being or happiness. It is useless to

stimulate the yearning for the infinite while man, like this

planet on which he dwells, remains hopeless and alone.

4. It will soon be twenty-five years since the United

Nations came into being as a promise of peace and hope for

the peoples who once overcame the destructive power of

nazism. The United Nations was not, however, conceived to

enhance man’s glory and pride, but to serve him, to bring a

little light into the darkness of poverty and ignorance.

Where, then lies the hidden source of the blight which is

spoiling the fruit of so many illusions?

5. It will soon be twenty-five years since the founding of

the United Nations; ten years since the Declaration against

colonialism [resolution 1514 (XV)]; the Second United

Nations Development Decade is soon to begin; Human

Rights Year has been celebrated, and another year is to be

dedicated to education. Noble and beautiful promises — yet

nuclear weapons still proliferate and men die in Viet-Nam,

in the Middle East and in Biafra. There are leaders who

export revolutions, and racial hatred discriminates against

the child in school.

6. My country can contribute little to the solution of

these major problems, but it has taken a firm and consistent

position in defence of the principles that inspire the Charter

and uphold the right of peoples to freedom and justice.

7. The war in Viet-Nam must be brought to an end as soon

as possible, without sacrificing the peoples who aspire to

govern themselves. In the Middle East we have to take as

our starting point the existence of Israel as a sovereign State

recognized by the world community and a Member of our

Organization. Any independent nation has the right to

protect its security, but from our own historical experience

we firmly maintain the principle that conquest gives no

rights.

8. We are against all forms of colonialism. We are in favour

of the observance of human rights throughout the world.

We consider that the First United Nations Development

Decade has been a disappointment, and we hope that the

Second will be backed by a more generous attitude on the

part of the industrialized countries, so that the growth of

the developing countries may pass from the phase of noble

sentiments to the achievement of specific objectives which

will make it possible to narrow the gap dividing the great

Powers from the small countries. The Second Development

Decade, therefore, entails a great responsibility for the

United Nations and confronts its various organs and

agencies with a cast-iron dilemma: to make progress or

perish.

9. It would not be right for me to confine myself solely to

the negative side of United Nations affairs. This Assembly

can and must respond positively to many causes of concern.

There is, of course, a group of new items which, precisely

because they are new, may lead to beneficial arrangements:

the use of outer space for peaceful purposes; the establishment

of nuclear-free zones; the reservation of the

sea-bed for the benefit of developing countries, including

those that have no coastlines.

10. The Secretary-General, whose position enables him to

perceive the risks that threaten mankind, has just proposed

that we devote a decade to disarmament starting in 1970.

His programme is simple and, at the same time, practical:

“A concerted and concentrated effort during this

Disarmament Decade to limit and reduce nuclear and

other weapons of massive destruction, to reduce conventional

weapons and to deal with all the related

problems of disarmament and security, could produce

concrete, measurable progress towards general and complete

disarmament by the end of the decade of the

seventies.” [A/7601/Add.1, para. 43.]

11. This would, moreover, coincide with the United

Nations Second Development Decade, and no perspicacity

is needed to recognize that the two programmes are

parallel. If the resources which now serve to maintain the

arms race could be diverted to development instead,

mankind would have fulfilled a mission, not only of peace,

but also of progress and happiness. The Secretary-General,

U Thant, has rightly said that development is the long, slow

road that leads to peace. This is not just a phrase inspired

by the disappointments or hopes of a hundred peoples in

pursuit of well-being. There can. be no doubt that a

sustained effort to promote economic co-operation and

investment is impossible unless the resources now being

earmarked for arms manufacture are released and channelled

elsewhere. Proof of that lies in the experience of the

United Nations and in the meagre results of the many

measures approved by this Assembly, such as the giving of

voluntary contributions to the Capital Development Fund

and the Industrial Development Organization.

12. Nor are the results of the United Nations Conference

on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) encouraging. Many

countries have received with bitterness the recent confession

of the Trade and Development Board to the effect that

it had made very little progress in its contribution to the

strategy for the Second Decade. We are still far from

implementing the decisions adopted by UNCTAD at New

Delhi in 1968, and now there is a growing prospect of

further frustration for a world divided between hunger,

despair and illiteracy.

13. In Latin America development is closely linked to

integration. Its goals seem to be necessarily bound up with

the establishment of economic units within a broader

market, balanced and harmonious economic growth, the

formation of industries designed to complement one

another, a common external tariff system and the joint use

of internal and external financial resources, as well as with

the planning of the infrastructure and the increased

productivity, of the agricultural sector.

14. The Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA),

conceived originally as a mechanism for freeing trade within

the area, is gradually evolving into a common market, and

in the course of this year we have established, within the

framework of LAFTA, the Subregional Integration Agreement,

which brings together Bolivia, Colombia, Chile,

Ecuador and Peru in an up-to-date attempt to overcome the

isolation of countries with small populations and potential

wealth.

15. Within this process of subregional integration Bolivia

has, however, persisted in its view that this process cannot

be a substitute for its claim to have its own sovereign exit

to the Pacific Ocean, a claim that combines the need and

the right to solve a problem which restricts its development

prospects and freedom to communicate with the world.

16. In May of this year the Latin American nations

approved the Consensus of Viña del Mar, a document

which summarizes the position taken by that part of the

world in regard to international co-operation. It is an

expression of the collective personality of peoples who

share a common tradition and destiny but are weighed

down by the shackles that hinder their development. We are

convinced that nothing can take the place of our own

efforts. However, they are not enough in themselves, and to

some extent they depend on the co-operation of the

international community, especially of the industrial

Powers which possess the technical and financial means to

bring about progress.

17. There is yet another postulate that must be repeated

here: economic development cannot be an end in itself. It

would lack foresight if it did not include the concept of

social development. Indeed, there would be little value in

stimulating the growth of national wealth unless it secured

a better standard of living for the world’s population and

enabled it to enjoy the benefits of civilization and culture.

18. In the light of these reflections, it is not easy to

understand why the United Nations has still not reached

agreement on the drafting of a declaration on social

development. It must be recognized, however, that this

Organization is constantly concerned with social questions,

especially with those that relate to land reform and the

participation of the people in development. Bolivia, in

point of fact, is one of the countries which fifteen years ago

put into effect a plan of land reform that has turned the

peasant into a land-owner and freed him from his serfdom.

Having achieved these objectives, we must now look to

rural development, and to that end a financial, administrative

and technical corporation has been established.

19. It is gratifying to record the assistance Bolivia has

received from the United Nations in this regard and the

work done by the various missions that have been sent to

my country. It is equally a source of satisfaction to note

that the agenda of the present Assembly session includes

matters in which the Organization is doing fruitful work,

namely housing, building and planning; a review of the

World Food Programme; the elimination of all forms of

religious and racial intolerance; freedom of information; the

United Nations Children’s Fund; and the promotion and

defence of human rights.

20. From this lofty rostrum it is right to applaud any

contribution to peace and solidarity among nations. It is

therefore fitting to stress the work of the Organization of

American States and what it represents as a regional

arrangement within the meaning of Article 52 of the

Charter. Barely two months ago a conflict that had arisen

between El Salvador and Honduras brought the regional

machinery into play. The meeting of Consultation of

Ministers of Foreign Affairs succeeded in restoring peace

between the two peoples, while at the same time reaffirming

the validity of two principles essential to international

coexistence: the one which proscribes the use of force in

disputes between States, and the other which relates to the

dignity of the human person and the rule of a universal

moral law.

21. To those principles, which form the framework of the

United Nations, there must be added the principle of

non-intervention, which denounces those who export revolution

and foment subversion and hatred in other countries.

As everyone knows, Bolivia has been the subject of

certain amount of international notoriety which we did not

seek and do not wish to see repeated—notoriety caused by

just such foreign intervention, the only result of which was

the death of Bolivian citizens, some as victims of violence

and others because they were deceived by the seductive talk

of foreign agents.

22. Furthermore, the sterility and futility of such methods

is obvious. Bolivia has a democracy which, without being

perfect, ensures respect for human dignity, guarantees

freedom of expression, and establishes the people’s vote as

the source of political power. In recent years, moreover,

substantial reforms have been initiated, giving the people

control over their own destinies, allowing a fair distribution

of internal income and enabling the country’s wealth to be

exploited in the national interest and for the common

good. This reality cannot be destroyed either by scheming

guerrillas, by urban terrorism or by the preaching of hatred

and anarchy.

23. In concluding this statement I should not wish to leave

an impression of scepticism. I believe that it is everyone

duty to strengthen our will to act and to work unceasingly

for the ideals that inspire and motivate the United Nations.

It has been suggested recently that the time has come to

revise the Charter, perhaps with the idea that the years that

have passed since the San Francisco Conference have

brought fundamental changes in the international order.

This is not a crisis of principles, however, but rather one of

action. It is clear that the Charter sums up the aspirations

that history and civilization have succeeded in defining and

formulating for the welfare of man and the progress of

peoples. All that is lacking is the will to live in peace and

freedom, to practice tolerance, to uphold justice and to

respect the worth of the human person.

24. Bolivia believes in these principles and is convinced

that, through them, understanding and co-operation among

nations will become a reality filled with promise.