General Debate, session 24

Australia, 1969

Speaker
Mr. FREETH
Session
24th, 1969
Member state
Australia
Length
3,807 words

Statement as recorded

91. Madam President, I begin

my speech with the very pleasant act of congratulating you

on your election as President of the General Assembly at

this session. It is not only a tribute to your country—which

was one of the Founding Members of the United Nations,

and also a Member of the League of Nations—but it is a

tribute to you personally. You have for many years played

a prominent and constructive part in the work of this

Organization, particularly in relation to dependent Territories.

Australian representatives have enjoyed the most

friendly relations with you and have benefited from your

counsel and advice on a number of occasions. We have had

the pleasure of welcoming you in Australia, and we hope

that you will visit us again.

92. I turn now to the business before the General

Assembly, set out formally in the agenda. One’s heart sinks

when one reads through the list of items—not simply

because of the large number of them, but because many

have been before this body for a long time and show every

sign of being there before us for years to come. But we

must remember that some of them represent problems that

are not in themselves readily soluble and, indeed, are often

matters which are never going to be wound up once and for

all. Sometimes what we have to aim at is to help establish

and maintain conditions under which neighbouring countries

can jog along together, taking account of the facts of

geography and history and relative strengths and interests,

without coming to blows.

93. Sometimes the discussions in the United Nations,

unproductive as they might seem, are an alternative to more

violent acts. Sometimes, too, though the movement might

seem to be at the speed of a glacier, there is undoubted

movement. Disarmament and arms control provide an

example. On disarmament the international community

moves by fits and starts, rather than by steady advance; but

there is indeed movement, and it is vital for the future of

mankind that it should continue.

94. Some problems are particularly intractable. In this

regard one thinks particularly of the Middle East, where

armed warfare has been waged twice in the last fifteen

years, and where sporadic guerilla fighting, infiltration, and

acts of sabotage and violence have taken place over many

years. A settlement will have to provide for the acceptance,

in some way, of territorial boundaries, an agreed understanding

about the rights and future of refugees, recognition

of rights through waterways, and protection of areas of

deeper concern to three of the world’s great religions.

95. Everyone is concerned about regional hostilities

endangering world peace and leading to wider conflict. We

deplore the violent interference with civil aviation which is

endangering the lives of persons in no way involved in the

Middle East strife. But, as Foreign Ministers and diplomatists,

we must never forget, too, that human beings in

the countries of the region are suffering: farmers and other

civilians in several countries threatened by raids and by

infiltrators—refugees who have long been homeless, and

who face an unknown future with either resignation or

desperation.

96. A number of items on the agenda relate to Africa.

Whatever directly concerns so many of our Members must

also concern other countries, even those remote from that

continent. There are still questions relating to Territories

not yet independent. Other items illustrate that independence

in itself does not solve all problems. Tasks of

economic development and political conciliation and adaptation

still face the peoples of the countries concerned; and

in facing and grappling with them, those countries rightly

look to the United Nations for understanding. Australia

regards with sympathy the efforts which are being made in

a number of instances to find peaceful solutions, in

accordance with United Nations principles, to situations

which are of such concern to so many Members. We shall

continue to do what we can to assist the United Nations to

attain its objectives in Africa, but we doubt that there are

any short-cuts, and we reject solutions that would involve

violent means.

97. Faced with all the items on the agenda, some of them

long-standing and persistent because they are so difficult,

we must nevertheless press on and refuse to throw in our

hand. Sometimes—if I might speak with brutal frankness—

the Assembly will seem merely to go through the motions

of handling the items. Speeches will be made along the

pattern of earlier years, and resolutions will be adopted that

do little more than repeat what has been said before. This

in itself is not necessarily a bad thing, if it helps to gain

time or to damp down passions and keep open the way to

solutions. Sometimes, with the passage of time, solutions

do become possible, as new generations emerge, or as

relationships: among the great Powers or other countries

change, or as technical progress alters the significance of

factors which have dominated particular problems. But we

must guard against getting automatically into a rut or

rejecting an idea or proposal simply because it is novel.

98. We must also guard against the temptation to adopt

resolutions which might command a majority in the

General Assembly but prove an impediment to solutions. It

is not only the size of the majority that counts, but the

composition of that majority. If that majority does not

include the countries most directly concerned or the

countries whose co-operation is needful, then the resolution

might prove to be an actual impediment to a settlement. It

might discourage some of the parties concerned from

looking for constructive compromises. It might inflame

opinion, or create political and other rigidities back home.

We must never lose sight of the fact that our objective here

is not a resolution as an end in itself; a resolution is a means

to an end. Our objective here is to widen areas of

agreement, to establish conditions where conciliation can

be pursued, and to encourage the economic and social

progress that in the long run will be the basis for the sort of

world which the Charter envisages.

99. I shall now say something about the region of which

Australia is a part—Asia and the Pacific—whose stability,

security and progress will help to determine the future of

the whole world and not simply of the peoples of that

region. There are 600 million people in the Indian

sub-continent; there are 250 million people in South-East

Asia; there are 700 million people in China; and there are

130 million in Japan and Korea. In numbers alone this is a

great proportion of the world’s population. Compared with

North America and Europe, their standards of living are, for

the most part, low. It is essential that more of the resources

of developed countries should be directed to this region so

that, in self-interest no less than in recognition of our

common humanity and the principles of the Charter, the

weight of the international community is drawn into the

task of economic betterment in Asia.

100. One of the most cheering features in the situation

despite all the problems and, in some cases, conflicts, is the

steady development of regional co-operation and the

growth of self-confidence and self-reliance among the

countries of South-East Asia. Australia is an active member

of many of the regional bodies—some of them part of, or

linked with the United Nations, such as the Economic

Commission for Asia and the Far East or the Asian

Development Bank, which held its annual meeting in

Sydney earlier this year—and some of them regional

associations outside the United Nations but in the spirit of

its Charter, such as the Asian and Pacific Council. Some of

the co-operation is within formal bodies or treaties, some of

it is carried out informally. The countries of the region look

to the rest of the world to show sympathy and understanding

for all that we in the region are doing, and we

hope it will be recognized that if South-East Asia and it

neighbours have sound and developing economies and

administrations then this will help the emergence of world

security and prosperity and deserves the support of all the

great Powers.

101. A big question mark in the region is posed by the

mainland of China. By its very size and the impact of its

ancient civilization and its geographical position, the

mainland of China must always be a major factor to be

taken into account by all its neighbours, whatever their

politics, race, or culture.

102. As my predecessor has said from this rostrum on

more than one occasion, perhaps the biggest question facing

us all today is how to fit the mainland of China into the

international community. This is not a question to be

solved by a single simple action such as admission to the

United Nations or recognition of the régime of Mao

Tse-tung. It is not something that is to be solved by handing

over the 14 million people on Formosa to a régime which

— they do not want. That would be neither morally right nor

would it effectively end the difficulties the rest of the

world has with Peking. What is needed is an accommodation,

which it is not easy to see being quickly achieved,

to which the mainland of China itself must make some

contribution. In particular, it needs to let its neighbours be

assured that they will not be threatened or harassed or

subjected to armed attacks. Peking is seen by many of its

neighbours as a menace, either actual or potential. If its

neighbours no longer see it in that light—and Peking itself

has opportunities to indicate that it is not a menace—then

we will all be on the way to a new and fruitful stage in

relations with China.

103. In South-East Asia there is at present armed conflict

on a quite significant scale in Viet-Nam. This has occurred

because a modus vivendi, springing from the Geneva

Agreements of 1954 in the form of a de facto division of

Viet-Nam between two governments, was challenged by

resort to force. North Viet-Nam attacked South Viet-Nam

with its regular armed forces and with infiltrators trained,

equipped, and directed from Hanoi. The South Viet-Namese

Government, faced with this outside aggression,

sought and obtained assistance from other countries including

Australia, and including also the United States,

Thailand, New Zealand, the Philippines and the Republic of

Korea. Our objective in the hostilities is the limited one of

repulsing the aggressor. The objective does not include the

destruction or the replacement of the régime in North

Viet-Nam. If the people of North Viet-Nam and the people

of South Viet-Nam should eventually wish to be unified,

that is something that should be worked out and decided,

in their own time and by peaceful means, by each of those

peoples acting separately and without being subjected to

force or the threat of force. In all this it is, in the opinion

of the Australian Government, basic that the people of

South Viet-Nam should be free to choose their government.

104. The Government of the Republic of Viet-Nam and its

allies have made many moves in the past to increase the

opportunities for achieving a settlement. All the hostilities

inside North Viet-Nam have ceased, despite the fact that

North Viet-Nam continues to wage war inside the territory

of the South and to kill and destroy there. The United

States has reduced its forces in Viet-Nam during this year,

and last week President Nixon announced another reduction

in American forces there. This has not so far been

matched by the other side. The peace talks in Paris are

making no progress. Fortunately, inside South Viet-Nam

itself, considerable progress has been made in many

directions. There is an active and genuine political life in

the Parliament and in municipal institutions, which is in

striking contrast to the authoritarian régime in the North.

I pay tribute to the people of South Viet-Nam who, despite

the assaults upon them from the North, persist in trying to

build their economy and develop their political institutions.

Many of us can count ourselves fortunate that our own

political life has not been subjected to such stresses.

105. I turn now to an item on the agenda of this session of

the General Assembly which is of interest to all Member

nations whatever their political complexion or state of

economic development or geographical position: namely,

the problems of the human environment. This question was

first brought formally before the General Assembly by the

Government of Sweden. It has been reported on this year

by the Secretary-General and considered by the Economic

and Social Council. The United Nations Conference on the

Human Environment to be held in 1972 will have the

support and participation of Australia. We also support the

Conference’s meeting in Sweden, in recognition of that

country’s initiative in this field.

106. The aspects of the human environment receiving

greatest attention internationally are the problems of water

and air pollution. It might be thought that problems of

pollution are not as great in Australia as in some other parts

of the world, because of our distance from other countries

and from the big industrial complexes. Nevertheless, Australia

does have some immediate problems—for example, in

relation to insecticides—and has many more potential

problems. The Australian Senate has established two

committees on pollution, one relating to air and one to

water. By taking early action now, it may be possible to

prevent Australia from suffering some of the more extreme

afflictions that have already hit certain other countries.

107. Although problems of pollution are extremely important

and are of a kind calling for international action, we

must not overlook other ways in which man is making an

impact on his own environment. I refer particularly to his

use of the natural resources, both exploitable and self-regenerating.

As far as the exploitable resources are

concerned, we need to do much more to avoid wasteful

uses and to look for alternative substances to conserve

those which are limited. In the use of the self-regenerating

resources, where man’s impact has been particularly significant,

we should not overlook the positive gains that have

been made in many areas. On the one hand, there are

practices degrading those resources by over-grazing, overfishing,

unwise destruction of forests, and soil erosion, but

there are also many examples of positive successful actions

which have made natural environments more productive

and of greater value as human habitats. I refer among others

to the more successful agricultural production systems,

pasture improvements and forest management. It is equally

important that notice should be taken of those achievements

and that lessons from them be put to wider

application. I hope that the Conference will be broad

enough to consider ways in which those positive gains and

the conditions under which they have been made can be

identified so that the information will be available for

immediate use in similar circumstances elsewhere.

108. I do not need today to outline to this Assembly

details of these problems of the human environment—

pollution of the air and water, degradation of productive

resources, noise and other contaminations and assaults—nor

do I need to stress their importance. These things are well

known. I shall limit myself to outlining what I believe

should be attempted internationally, and particularly in the

United Nations. Probably most of the action in this field

has to be taken by national governments and other

domestic authorities, but some matters need international

initiative, study or co-ordination. The following are the

types of things that can be attempted internationally in this

field: first, helping to make mankind generally aware of

what is at stake and of some of the practical problems;

secondly, helping to stimulate international research and

assistance into channels which will make the most needed

and urgent practical contributions; thirdly, taking steps to

see that the results of this research and technical application

are known to all countries and available for application

by them; fourthly, helping to establish international guidelines

for minimum standards to be followed.

109. Those are matters that affect all mankind and all

nations—the highly developed countries and the developing

countries, the great industrial countries and others more

remote and less industrialized. The impact of particular

problems and programmes of action will vary and sometimes

require different approaches according to the country

or form of society involved. I have referred to the

desirability of establishing international guidelines, or in

some cases even international standards, that various parts

of our communities should live up to. Such guidelines could

relate, for example, to fertilizers and insecticides, so that

they do not contain harmful ingredients with lasting

ill-effects, or so as to guard against their improper use.

There might also be guidelines relating to the discharge

from chimneys of factories and power stations and even

from domestic appliances and automobiles. Such guidelines

would represent desirable rather than enforceable criteria

on an international basis, but in certain cases it might be

possible to go further and secure government agreement to

require observance of standards or criteria accepted by

them. These matters are of interest to all countries, not

simply those that manufacture any articles in question but

also those that use them. Manufacturers and other producers

who observed such guidelines might find their

international markets wider than if they did not observe

them. The sooner we tackle those problems the better.

110. As I envisage it, the United Nations itself would not

be directly involved in research, but it could help to see

that the relevant international agencies and other bodies—

international, governmental and private—fulfilled their

opportunities and duties. Several of the specialized agencies

are directly involved. The United Nations Advisory Committee

on the Application of Science and Technology to

Development, of which an Australian, Sir Ronald Walker, is

Vice-Chairman, has already been active in this field and will

have a continuing interest. Australia takes a particular

interest in the work of that Committee, which largely

originated in an initiative by Australia in the General

Assembly in 1959, in which we were associated with

Romania.

111. Australia continues to place great emphasis on the

scope of the Committee—on the need to ensure that the

attention and resources of the world scientific community

are directed more than in the past to the needs and

problems of developing countries, and the need also to

reduce the time lag in the application of scientific discovery

and technical developments to the needs of mankind and

particularly the needs of those countries whose own

scientific communities are not large enough or do not have

enough resources to do the work adequately for themselves.

112. Australia attaches great importance also to the work

of the United Nations in defining and regulating the needs

of the international community in relation to new fields of

activity which are being forced on us as a result of the

startling advances of science and technology. I refer

especially to the work of the Committee on the Peaceful

Uses of Outer Space and the Committee on the Peaceful

Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits

of National Jurisdiction, as well as to the control of

pollution and the preservation of a livable human environment

which I have just been discussing.

113. These new developments in science and in technology

have added new and vastly extended dimensions to

man’s activities, as well as to his knowledge. One recalls

exciting historical parallels in the great terrestrial discoveries

of the past. To make accessible to man the vast

potential resources of space and on the floor of the deep

oceans is to create opportunities, in the conditions of

today, for an unrestrained scramble for possession, with its

attendant dangers. The dangers will exist whether the

exploitation of the new resources is by Governments or by

private enterprise. These disturbing potentialities present to

the United Nations a challenge in one of the constructive

functions and duties imposed on the General Assembly by

the Charter. I refer to the progressive development of

international law.

114. Traditional international law, created as it was in

such large part by the practice of States and coming down

to us from practice established in the era of the great

geographical discoveries of the past, contains well-known

doctrines of sovereignty, of the acquisition of territory by

occupation and of the appropriation of resources. In the

common interest of the international community as a

whole, these doctrines may require revision or even in some

respects exclusion, in relation to outer space and the

celestial bodies, and in relation to the deep ocean bed

beyond the limits of national jurisdiction.

115. New legal concepts, and new legal rules, have already

been forthcoming in respect of man’s activities in outer

space, though important problems have still to be solved—in

relation, for example, to liability for damage arising from

space activities. There seems to be a possibility that this gap

could be filled even during the course of the present session

of the General Assembly.

116. Important work is also in progress with regard to the

legal problems created by the impending accessibility to

man, through the rapid advance of technology, of great

resources on the deep sea-bed beyond the limits of national

jurisdiction. Resolutions of the General Assembly have

already envisaged the possibility of establishing an inter

national régime, under which all would benefit from the

exploration and exploitation of these resources.

117. I wonder how many of the millions all over the world

who watched the Apollo moonshot with such anxiety and

admiration realized how extensively the legal background

of that great undertaking had already been filled in by the

outer space Treaty? which the General Assembly unanimously

adopted on 19 December 1966. That question in its

turn prompts the reflection how different might have beer

the world’s history in this period of revolutionary discoveries

in science and technology, if the United Nation:

had not existed.

118. I have sot attempted today to touch on all the

subjects that will be before this session of the General

Assembly. Some of them will be the subject of statements

by the Australian representatives in the relevant Committee

—for example, the Second Development Decade. The

Second Development Decade must succeed. The Australian

Government has again, this financial year, increased its own

contributions to international aid programmes, and would

view with alarm and distress any diminution in the total

flow of international aid. Equally do we urge the need for

expanding world trade. A healthy political system requires

a healthy economic system.

119. In all the items which come up for consideration we

look to the purposes and principles of the Charter. When

the Organization departs from the Charter there is danger.

When it sticks to the Charter—and when the individual

members stick to the Charter—there is hope.

United Nations official records are in the public domain worldwide under administrative instruction ST/AI/189/Add.9/Rev.2.

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