General Debate, session 55

Antigua and Barbuda, 2000

Speaker
Patrick Albert Lewis 7 statements
Post
UN Representative
Session
55th, 2000
Member state
Antigua and Barbuda
Length
1,581 words

Statement as recorded

Let me first of

all congratulate Mr. Holkeri on his unanimous election

to the mantle of the leadership of the world's foremost

international body. He is presiding in this, the last year

of the present century, following the profound

commitments manifested at the Millennium Summit.

We look forward in eager anticipation to the

implementation of the Summit pledges, as small States

are becoming more and more disillusioned with the

actual manifestations and the selectivity of the United

Nations.

I should like to offer congratulations to his

predecessor, who, as we know, comes from a recently

independent country — a country which had to struggle

in order to be entrusted with the management of its

own affairs. In him, we saw a genuine attempt to move

towards some equilibrium in this body. As such, my

country applauds his efforts, but we are still awaiting

the day when small countries will receive the respect

due to sovereign States.

This year we will be making a deliberately short

statement, in the hope that the Assembly will

concentrate on the myriad of problems with which we

are plagued.

Small States do not equate with small problems.

In reality, the reverse is often the norm, particularly

when the State in question is still on the periphery —

the periphery of the dominant industrial entities. In the

case of my country, peripheral existence emerged in the

post-Colombian era when, along with other Caribbean

countries, we became colonies of exploitation, as

opposed to colonies of settlement. Mercantilism

demanded our production of agricultural commodities,

whether indigo, cotton or sugar cane; it was a

monoculture, designed solely and purposely for the

betterment of the mother country, at the expense of the

colonies.

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But no doubt the question is being asked as to

why I am raising that issue here. It is precisely because

the lingering reality is that we are sometimes moved

to ask ourselves if we are still victims of the “Robinson

Crusoe” mentality. To be a colony of

exploitation meant that the entity was an area of

underdevelopment — an underdevelopment which

meant that we were to remain in that state in perpetuity

if we were to fulfil the precise conditions for

exploitation.

Throughout history, smaller entities have been, as

it were, invisible. We do not have small problems. How

could that be the case when nuclear waste is still being

trans-shipped through our waters, despite numerous

and repeated protests, pleas and entreaties? We have a

problem with the World Trade Organization (WTO),

which rules in favour of the interests of multinational

enterprises and the countries benefiting from the

operations of those enterprises. The Windward Island

producers of bananas were at a total disadvantage, as

they could not afford to pay the cost of adequate

representation before the WTO. In 1896, the silver-

throated orator, William Jennings Bryan, stood up in

California and asked whether mankind should be

crucified upon a cross of gold. Today, we must ask if

Windward Island humanity is to be snuffed out on a

bed of yellow fruit, thereby sending a ripple effect

throughout the Caribbean, culminating in deprivation,

degradation, depression and the severest forms of

dehumanization.

At the Millennium Summit round table, much

time was spent talking about globalization, without the

fundamental reality of that globalization — so-called

free trade — being dealt with. In modern history, there

has never been free trade. It has been advocated,

encouraged and even preached about. John Bright and

Richard Cobden have been acclaimed for their “gospel

of free trade”, but it has never been a reality. In the

nineteenth century, it was propelled by the industrial

and maritime countries which stood to benefit from it.

In the twentieth century, it has emanated from the

dominant States, and the statistics demonstrate that it

has wrought havoc on most of the developing world.

This has primarily been the result of selfishness

and the unwillingness to listen to and accept the

concerns of those who suffer most from it. Yes, we

benefit from the expanded use of the Internet, the

greater access to education and the ability to travel

abroad more frequently. But we have been hurt by

extraordinary pressures to control our economic

advancement, whether by the influence of

multinational enterprises or by maritime activity, which

deplete our resources and pollute our environment.

Instead of our nutritional level improving, the statistics

again show that poverty has spread, and the sick in

poor countries cannot access the medicines needed to

improve the health of their societies. If we are to have

globalization, let us recognize its imperfections and

address them meaningfully. Let us not preach, “do as I

say but not as I do”.

Globalization does not have a human face. We

continue to hear about the opportunities for the

developing countries, but we are still waiting for the

benefits to be made manifest. While we wait, we would

like to remind this body that we remain disappointed

that the International Criminal Court will not be

dealing with illegal trafficking in narcotics or with

illegal trade in arms and terrorism. Let us be heard. Let

us be seen. We do not have small problems.

At the Millennium Summit, my Prime Minister,

Lester Bryant Bird, clearly demonstrated how the

world's economic and political agenda is devised and

directed by a few of its most powerful Governments.

He stated that Antigua and Barbuda, as well as several

other small countries,

“have experienced the most blatant disregard for

the rules of international law, rules that have been

spelled out by the General Assembly and upheld

by the International Court of Justice.” (A/55/PV.3)

The principle now is “might is right”. The Prime

Minister pointed out that all of this is being done by the

Organization for Economic Cooperation and

Development (OECD), which believes that its States

will lose capital to other States because of their more

competitive tax regimes. They have gone further by

dubbing tax incentives “harmful tax competition” and

linking it most unfairly with money-laundering

activities, even when there is no evidence for the

charge. My country has voluntarily agreed to contribute

more for peacekeeping even with our strapped

finances, as we accept our role as a contributor to the

welfare of the globe. We would likewise hope that the

dominant be fair to us.

I can go on and on with our difficulties and our

victimization primarily due to our pusillanimous

nature. For the first time in several years we have not

elaborated on natural disasters. By now all members of

7

the United Nations should know of our plight. We

would however wish to speak on a decolonization

issue.

Antigua and Barbuda has followed closely the

question of Western Sahara, and even though we do not

have an international intelligence system, we are

calling for an implementation of the referendum, as the

signals for renewed violence, if the United Nations

does not carry out its pledge, are quite clear. We do not

wish to see, once again, the carnage witnessed in East

Timor.

The conflict, as it has been underlined through

resolutions of the United Nations, the Organization of

African Unity, and the Movement of Non-Aligned

States, must be resolved through the exercise of the

Saharawi people of their right to self-determination.

The international community has for decades adopted

this legal framework as a basis for a just and durable

solution to the conflict. We believe that the referendum

can be organized before next year, and we are calling

for such. We do not wish another situation with the

outbreak of violence.

Let me sum up with a few things that Antigua and

Barbuda would like to see at the United Nations. We

would like to press for the end of “selective”

multilateralism and move towards the incorporation of

“genuine” multilateralism. We desire to have a reform

process expanded beyond the Secretariat and practised

among all countries of the Organization. Reform

should not connote expansion, it should mean

restructuring. The principle of rotation on the major

decision-making bodies, particularly the Economic and

Social Council (ECOSOC), should become a reality.

And may I repeat: the principle of rotation should

become a reality. The concept of globalization should

be viewed in its entirety, and a study should be done on

its effects on developing countries. The gross national

product should not be used as the sole criterion for

graduating a State from concessionary loans, and the

vulnerability index, on which Antigua and Barbuda is

ranked very high, should be taken into consideration.

The principle of “the equality of sovereign States”

should be used to guard against the marginalization of

States within the United Nations system. The countries

that have pledged to contribute 0.7 per cent of their

official development assistance (ODA) should carry

out their commitment in this regard. There should be

some form of equity in regard to geographic groupings

within the United Nations. While we understand the

reasons why the existing groups were created, the time

has come for a more equitable arrangement. The

nations comprising the United Nations should become

truly united.

Antigua and Barbuda will continue to fulfil its

obligations to its citizens and to this body. We

recognize the benefits that we accrue from our

involvement in this parliament of parliaments. We have

benefited and will continue to benefit from the

programmes of the various bodies and agencies of this

body. We are, however, confident that we have

contributed towards global progress, and we remain

ready to continue our contribution to the United

Nations.

United Nations official records are in the public domain worldwide under administrative instruction ST/AI/189/Add.9/Rev.2.

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