Antigua and Barbuda, 1998

On behalf of the

Government and people of Antigua and Barbuda, I would

like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to preside

over the General Assembly at this fifty-third session. You

are well known to envoys from my country who have

worked with you and who can attest to your humanistic and

unprejudiced vision of the world. We feel confident that

under your guidance this will be a productive session. I

likewise wish to express my country’s recognition to your

predecessor, Hennadiy Udovenko of Ukraine, for the skilful

manner in which he conducted the work of the fifty-second

session. I also pay tribute to the Secretary-General, who is

entrusted with the advancement of this Organization at such

a critical time in history. I am also grateful to the

Secretariat for scheduling Antigua and Barbuda in this slot.

This year marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the

Caribbean Community (CARICOM), of which Antigua and

Barbuda is a proud member. Despite the utterances of the

prophets of doom, CARICOM did much more than survive,

and the areas of cooperation deepened and widened. What

started as a free-trade arrangement has expanded, and is

now marked by a number of significant institutions in areas

such as education and health, as well as in sports and

culture. This year the Order of the Caribbean Community

award was given to four individuals, among them the

former Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda, the Right

Honourable Vere Cornwall Bird, appropriately dubbed “The

father of the Nation”. In accepting the award, the former

Prime Minister stated:

“despite the difficulties, we have erected fine

institutions — institutions that are a tribute to the

resourcefulness of our leaders and the support of the

people. But, difficult as they were to build, it is easy

for them to be tumbled unless today’s leaders and

people are prepared to safeguard and preserve them.

To do so requires the same vision, the same

determination and the same spirit of selflessness that

motivated the previous generation.”

I assure you, Mr. President, that the spirit that he

mentioned is steadfast among us, and that there is no

turning back.

Peace, security and disarmament are vital to a safe

and secure planet, and the countless individuals who live

daily in constant fear, whether in regard to terrorists,

hatred between ethnic groups, internecine warfare or

religious persecution, give us much concern. Added to

that is the expanding nuclear rivalry. The nuclear club is

no longer exclusive to the five permanent members of the

Security Council. The question to be posed is whether the

five long-time nuclear Powers will now accept that the

only way to prevent nuclear proliferation is to abolish all

nuclear weapons, a factor that has been repeatedly

stressed in debates within these hallowed walls and in

General Assembly resolutions. Or will the club quickly

move beyond the present seven members? We urge that

this matter be given the serious consideration it deserves,

as we must commit ourselves to future generations. But

we are presently dismayed about the future of the Treaty

on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and

the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT).

Irrespective of the high praise given to globalization,

to most of the developing world it hurts, and hurts

excessively. For the past four years — that is, since the

establishment of the World Trade Organization (WTO) —

disturbing signs have emerged of trends which point in

the direction of exclusion rather than inclusion, and of

marginalization rather than integration. And these trends

are now having a serious negative effect on countries

which recently were optimistically viewing their

prospects.

The multilateral financial institutions, which provide

resources to developing countries at concessional rates,

continue, despite numerous protests and logical arguments

presented to them, to use gross national product as a basis

for judging our economic wherewithal. Somehow,

globalization and liberalization will work magic,

irrespective of the existing and deep-seated problems of

small States, it is assumed. The case of bananas must be

highlighted. The undoing of the Lomé trade agreement,

with the injury which this hostile act can inflict on the

small banana-exporting countries of the Organization of

Eastern Caribbean States, of which Antigua and Barbuda

is a member, gives grave cause for concern. Small, peaceloving States, causing no harm to any other State under

the terms of the Lomé agreement, have found themselves

yoked by the World Trade Organization ruling. Without

some form of protection, the banana industry in the

10

CARICOM States could collapse, leading to severe social

dislocation, which would ultimately manifest itself in

political catastrophe.

The multilateral trading system needs to be fair and

equitable, and the imbalances in the present agreements

should be rectified. The benefits of the system should

accrue to all States in relation to their needs, and not in

proportion to their share in international trade. There needs

to be recognition of the serious limitations of the principle

of reciprocity as an instrument for mutually advantageous

trading arrangements when the participating countries have

different levels of development. The WTO must contribute

to achieving positive coherence in global economic policy.

Widespread and equitably shared economic growth

will surely benefit all. In fact, the developed countries will

be important beneficiaries of the economic growth and

development of developing countries, which will provide

larger markets and better opportunities, respectively, for

their products and investment. This will also lead to global

peace and prosperity, ensuring a truly stable framework for

international relations based on mutuality of benefits.

My Government welcomed the twentieth special

session of the General Assembly on the world drug

problem, held between 8 and 10 June 1998. In the

Caribbean the Non-Self-Governing Territories have the

same problems in regard to narcotics as the independent

countries. There is a multidimensional thrust upon our

entities, as there is a challenge to governability by nonState actors and the drug operators. The influence of the

drug-traffickers forces our Governments to shift very

limited resources from development priorities to law

enforcement and the rehabilitation of addicts. The social

erosion, economic dislocation and increase in criminal

activity mean that for small societies striving to overcome

economic vulnerability it becomes a tremendous challenge

to maintain functioning institutions in an environment with

the potential for decreased productivity.

Quite frankly, there is the possibility for all of us to

become the involuntary victims of the drug trade. It is no

secret that the small island developing States and low-lying

coastal States of the Caribbean have inadequate defences

against the vast resources of the drug-traffickers. In

addition, if we are not sufficiently fearful of the devastation

that can be caused by the illicit traffic in narcotics, we must

be gravely concerned about the destruction that can

accompany the attendant traffic in small arms and

ammunition. In one of the most comprehensive plans of

action on Caribbean policy and development, the West

Indian Commission noted that nothing poses greater

threats to civil society in CARICOM countries than the

drug problem; and nothing exemplifies the powerlessness

of regional Governments more.

My Prime Minister addressed the issue of

powerlessness of regional Governments in a recent

statement to the Caribbean Studies Association. In that

statement he referred to the dictatorial approach taken by

certain countries. Given our limited capabilities, we

acknowledge the importance of cooperation to develop

mechanisms that can respond to incidents of drugtrafficking. We encourage collaboration, therefore, where

appropriate, to achieve the desired results — the

apprehension and conviction of criminals.

Allow me to speak briefly on the subject of

alternative development policies. Antigua and Barbuda

and indeed other Caribbean countries that introduced an

offshore financial services sector did so as a direct

response to the perceived need to diversify our economies

in the face of globalization and trade liberalization. On

the one hand, when we choose the financial services

sector and follow the example of other countries that have

done so before us, we are labelled as havens for moneylaunderers and corruption, and steps are taken to

undermine our efforts and limit the competitive advantage

that we may enjoy. We do not believe that this approach

lends itself to genuine partnership and mutual respect.

What we need is collaboration, information exchange and

technical support to assist us in ensuring that our financial

services sector is not abused by dubious sources while it

provides us with much needed economic resources.

History clearly proves that drug abuse and illicit

trafficking know no boundaries; no country is inoculated

against their effects. It is logical to conclude, therefore,

that the fight against drug-trafficking and abuse must

transcend any individual country strategy.

My Government supports an unbiased approach to

the United Nations thematic agenda on drug control for

the twenty-first century. The decision to focus on demand

reduction, elimination of illicit crops, judicial cooperation,

money-laundering, stemming illicit production of synthetic

drugs and the control of drug-production chemicals must

be consistent with the desire for a global strategy against

drug-trafficking. The transnational nature of the drug

problem warrants such concerted action to create the

drug-free world that we all desire.

11

Antigua and Barbuda is committed to this global

strategy. We have signed a number of interdiction

agreements and appointed an official to coordinate national

action against drug-trafficking and related crimes. This

official works closely with the Attorney General to ensure

formulation and implementation of the national drug policy.

In addition to the policy initiatives, we are currently

completing work on a drug treatment facility that we hope

will be used not only as a centre for rehabilitation, but also

as a training facility in the region.

It seems logical that a word should be said here in

regard to the adoption of the Statute for the International

Criminal Court, as Caribbean nations had hoped that such

a Court would aid in the elimination of the narcotic

scourge. The media did not, to any significant extent,

diffuse the idea that it was a Caribbean country, Trinidad

and Tobago, that revived the idea for an international

criminal court after a lapse of 41 years. In 1989 Trinidad

and Tobago reintroduced to the United Nations the concept

of 1948.

But the specific reasons for establishing the Court as

advanced by Trinidad and Tobago and other States of the

Caribbean Community were put on the back burner. We

had pleaded for a Court that would try to sentence those

involved in the trans-shipment of narcotics, in terrorism and

in marine abuses, including the violation of our territorial

waters. What is before us is a Court emphasizing genocide,

war crimes, crimes against humanity and the crime of

aggression. All of these we support, yet we are faced with

a clear indication that we are still on the periphery.

The West Indies have always been on the periphery of

dominant economic systems — in reference, that is, to the

post-Columbian era. The West Indies, since the initial

period of colonization, have provided goods and services

for more advanced industrial entities. The very nature of

our colonization — that is, to exist as colonies of

exploitation as opposed to colonies of settlement —

demanded continued underdevelopment. The sad thing is

that, today, the multilateral financial institutions which

provide resources to developing countries at concessional

rates continue to use gross national product as a basis for

judging our economic wherewithal. The present situation in

regard to my country provides a most germane example.

The envoys of Antigua and Barbuda are basking in

their glory because of the high ranking the country received

in the 1998 Human Development Report. The laudations

and accommodations received have been profuse, but this

very factor puts forward the absurd premise that we are

more developed than Mexico or Brazil. Antigua and

Barbuda is deemed to be middle-income, and its

numerous vulnerabilities are ignored as gross national

product is the sole deciding factor. Our challenge is to

convince the international agencies that we should be on

the priority list for development loans and assistance.

Antigua and Barbuda and other Caribbean countries have

demonstrated how developing countries can use their

limited resources for the advancement of their

populations. We should not be penalized for progress.

Small island developing States are constantly and

continually at risk, whether through sea-level rise,

hurricanes, earthquakes or volcanic eruptions, as has been

the case with the emerald isle of Montserrat. A single

hurricane can put back our development some 10 years.

For ourselves, we have put out a plea for international

assistance, as for the third time in three years we have

been afflicted by a hurricane. Until the passage of

hurricane Georges, our country had been advancing

because of the prudent and experienced management for

which we are known. We had built a network of superb

roads and improved our telecommunications system,

tourism had re-established itself after the powerful

Hurricane Louis of 1995, new buildings including schools

had been erected, and our economy was on course for 8

per cent growth by the end of the year. This, of course,

duly manifests the absurdity of using gross national

product as a basis for eliminating us from consideration

for concessional loans. At present we have to ask our

friends and well-wishers for assistance. In that connection,

a draft resolution is being circulated on United Nations

assistance to Caribbean countries affected by hurricane

Georges.

This year we celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights. My country will

continue to focus on efforts to ensure that the protection

of human rights is integrated into all activities of the

United Nations system. We view seriously the many

reports of child abuse worldwide. We are concerned about

children affected by internecine warfare, and the now

rampant tales of child labour, child prostitution and child

pornography. Additionally, we will remain vigilant in

seeing to the mainstreaming of women’s concerns.

Overall, my country will be exercising efforts to see to

the furtherance of endeavours to strengthen human rights

programmes.

In approaching the twenty-first century, the

Government of Antigua and Barbuda has decided that it

should focus on human capital and its development, rather

12

than focusing narrowly on the economic question. There

will be a continuance of the policy of carrying out intense

investigations and feasibility studies to decide on where to

concentrate limited resources. In addition, even though the

Government is divesting itself of some of its holdings and

encouraging greater private investment in vital services and

commodities, there are some areas, particularly those

surrounding technology, in which the Government has to

remain directly involved and catalytic; it will continue its

practice of seeking consensus to determine key industries

and activities that are crucial and critical for development.

In concluding, a statement has to be made in regard to

our appreciation for the work done in the Caribbean by the

United Nations Development Programme. Particular thanks

have to be expressed for its work in economic management

and governance initiatives. We will continue to be proud of

and to cherish the United Nations, as we recognize its

capacity for achievements in areas beyond the reach of

national or regional authorities. Subsequently, the nations

that compose this Assembly must redouble their collective

commitment to translate vision into reality. That is why it

is essential to have international cooperation for

development in the forefront of our activities. The United

Nations is still our greatest hope for peace, development

and social justice.