Algeria, 1999

So it is

Africa, through two of its most devoted and eminent sons,

that has the particular honour of leading the United Nations

into the new millennium. I refer to you, Mr. President, a

worthy freedom fighter for our sister nation, Namibia; I

now salute your well-deserved election to the presidency of

the General Assembly. I refer also to Mr. Kofi Annan, our

Secretary-General, to whom the international community is

indebted for the great perseverance and fervour he has

shown in his promotion of the purposes and principles of

the Charter and in strengthening the role of the United

Nations.

I am very moved to address this Assembly, because,

by electing me 25 years ago to the presidency at its twenty-

ninth session, the General Assembly was even then showing

its esteem for and interest in Africa and its consideration

for all of those generations of freedom fighters who, like

those of my country, have assumed the historic

responsibility of making a decisive contribution to the

advent of a better world. Twenty-five years have passed

during which the inexorable movement towards freedom

has followed its course, toppling the last bastions of

colonialism and racial segregation, and enshrining the

right to sovereign equality of States and the right of

peoples to development, self-determination and

independence.

At the same time, a new situation has emerged

marked by greater interdependence between nations,

which, as they have gradually become more and more

aware of the unity of their destinies, can no longer afford

to live in isolation nor remain indifferent or insensitive

when something happens to one of their members.

I have therefore come to speak about this common

destiny, on behalf of Africa and Algeria, at a time when

our session has chosen the theme of the culture of peace

and non-violence. Throughout this century, the world has

constantly evolved, created, destroyed, reinvented itself

and moved forward. Despite ideological conflicts and

economic crises, political tensions and devastating wars,

humanity has made its way inexorably towards one and

the same history — one and the same destiny.

New challenges are today confronting the

international community in a context occasioned by the

easing of ideological struggles, the end of the cold war

and the creation of a unipolar world, with its inherent

paradoxes for development.

One of these challenges is what is today called

globalization: a global economy, a global political system,

even global values and aspirations — but also, global

problems and dangers. In any case, implementation of

globalization is encountering a variety of barriers and

obstacles. On the economic side, unequal development

between nations certainly does not facilitate the

establishment of a universally accepted new world order.

Worrying gaps are beginning to appear, especially in

Africa: a chronic deterioration in the terms of trade; a

crushing weight of debt; fratricidal conflicts;

environmental degradation; increasing unemployment;

persistent epidemics; falling numbers of children in

school; declining official development assistance and

meagre direct investment. Furthermore, two thirds of the

least developed countries and three quarters of the low-

income countries are in Africa. In addition, 50 per cent of

the continent’s population live in abject poverty.

The thirty-fifth Organization of African Unity

(OAU) Summit showed that Africans were ready to face

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up to this miserable situation by working for peace, stability

and cooperation and by entrenching political and economic

reform more firmly. But it also revealed how insubstantial

North-South cooperation is, showing that it is often limited

by policies based on vested interests or selective

intervention.

The Summit also pointed out the difficulties inherent

in the social, cultural and psychological structure of our

countries, with many misunderstandings resulting from the

mechanical application of criteria adopted in developed

countries not only in the economic but also in the political

and cultural areas.

The problems which have still to be solved are

therefore numerous, and the international community sees

them every day in Africa, Asia, the Balkans and the Middle

East. To these problems must be added the global

controversy between the champions of an optimistic

universality that easily tolerates the advent of and

adjustment to a unipolar world, and those who retain a

sense of their own identity and consider, rightly, that the

interests of mankind lie in constructing a multipolar world.

These problems do not, however, mean that all hopes

for harmonious globalization are purely utopian: they

merely represent obstacles to an evolution which we know

is unavoidable. What would be an illusion, however, would

be globalization of the impossible, globalization that ignores

the legitimate interests of humankind as a whole, because

sooner or later that would be doomed to failure. The

globalization of problems is a fact of life; that is why it is

imperative for us to find global solutions.

It cannot be overemphasized how discouraging it is to

see such a constantly widening gap between rich and poor

and between rich countries and Third World countries that

are stifled by debt. I certainly do not intend to complain to

the Assembly about the many upheavals of a “Third

Worldism” whose approach and methods are at least 20

years old and have become obsolete. The world is no

longer as it was in the 1970s; it has changed radically. It

seems to me, however, that this movement towards

pluralism and the market economy should be continued and

encouraged, and that it should be accompanied by a

movement towards solidarity. In fact, I believe that the

logic of power and confrontation that has marked the

twentieth century should give way to a logic of solidarity

that will make international relations more humane, based

on fair exchange and shared prosperity.

The progress of nations would be incomplete if we

restricted ourselves to seeking it solely through the

market. We must also continue to seek it simply by

promoting the most basic human rights. In sharing the

idea of human rights, it must be made clear that the

definition and observance of human rights must take into

account the context of each of our States, with their

differing traditions, social structures and priorities. For us,

human rights are balanced by the duties of the citizen and

governed by inescapable priorities. Apart from the

struggle against poverty, disease and illiteracy — ensuring

that every human being has the right to a decent and

dignified life — is it not true that human rights also mean

the protection of society from terrorism, drug traffickers

and purveyors of death of every kind? In this respect,

there are no discrepancies between our concerns and those

of the developed world on the issue of democracy and

human rights. Nevertheless, it remains true that these are

issues of utmost importance and highest priority.

This is why we believe that the idea of the progress

of the human race, and its emergence into the twenty-first

century through the adoption of the laws of the free

market, freedom of investment and other freedoms, cannot

be separated from its progress through development aid

and solidarity with Third World countries. In other words,

our interest should be focused on the renewal of

international action within the United Nations system so

as to adapt it to the new world contexts, to help it

respond to the legitimate expectations of the great

majority of nations and to bring about renewed progress

towards peace, stability, equity and shared prosperity.

I come from a continent where people need to have

faith in justice, because they believe that the countries

which exploited their resources to ensure their own

development have a heavy debt to repay. They need to

believe that, having given so much to building human

civilization in the modern era, they have the right to

demand that their dignity and their humanity should be

fully respected. I seek also to remind this Assembly that,

by letting poverty proliferate in a world which is

becoming increasingly interdependent, the rich countries

and the community of nations are paving the way for

disruptions in national life and for international relations

that will be increasingly susceptible to threats of violence,

conflict and discord, which are harmful to democracy and

to economic activity.

I also wish to recall that the failure of the Third

World, and of Africa in particular, to make itself heard —

a failure reflected in the results of the Uruguay Round —

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does not augur well for solutions to all the problems that I

have mentioned. Does our degeneration mean that we are

irrevocably doomed to decline, and that the poverty of the

majority is irremediably bound to dominate the coming

century? I prefer not to believe that that is the case; I prefer

to believe rather that recovery is possible so long as

concerted and sustained action is taken in parallel with

action by the United Nations.

Such action must have two tiers. The first tier lies

with the industrialized countries because the solution to the

Third World’s problems is in their hands, as the Managing

Director of the International Monetary Fund rightly stated

over ten years ago: they have sufficient economic, financial

and legislative leverage to initiate reform and to restore an

environment conducive to growth for the developing

countries.

The second tier lies with the developing countries

themselves, which must take on the essential task of

becoming self-reliant by organizing their entry into the

world economy and by following through with economic

and political reforms. Unfortunately, they have no other

choice.

It is against this background that Africans met last

July in Algiers, where the thirty-fifth Organization of

African Unity (OAU) Summit was held. During this

meeting, which enjoyed a record number of participants,

Africans took stock of their achievements since

independence, weighed up current reforms in the light of

external forces and internal realities and laid down the

foundations of a new approach to and a new vision of the

future of the continent. Priority was given to concord and

peace in Africa. Africa is determined to speed up the

settlement of the conflicts between Eritrea and Ethiopia and

in the Great Lakes region, the Democratic Republic of the

Congo and Sierra Leone. Activities within OAU and the

subregional organizations have been intensified towards

restoring peace and putting an end to the suffering of the

refugees.

Similarly, Africa has unequivocally stated that it

supports international legality, democracy and respect for

law, and accordingly it has set out the guidelines for the

OAU position on the situations in Angola and in Western

Sahara. It fully supports the United Nations initiatives there,

as it does the OAU good offices in the Comoros, where it

hopes that the Comoran people will proceed with

democratic elections for their institutions so as to preserve

the country’s unity and territorial integrity.

A concern for peace and concord also underlies

Africa’s assessment of the Middle East peace process,

which it hopes will come to a comprehensive, fair and

lasting solution based on withdrawal by Israel from the

territories unjustly occupied by it and on its recognition

of the Palestinian people’s legitimate and inalienable

rights.

OAU is similarly concerned about peace and security

in the Gulf, where economic sanctions that are disastrous

for the affected populations should be lifted, as should

those unjustly imposed against Libya and Sudan even

though their Governments have fully cooperated with the

relevant investigations.

The human race must enter the new millennium free

of the disputes born of the historical vicissitudes of the

tormented and tragic century now drawing to its close. In

this context, hotbeds of tension and crises must be

eliminated. The suffering of peoples who are still unable

to exercise their right to self-determination and

independence must end. The embargo imposed on the

Iraqi people must be resolved in a less harmful way, as

our Secretary-General of OAU would say, in keeping

with United Nations resolutions. Terrorism, organized

crime, drug and arms trafficking — which undermine

relations between States and weaken peaceful and fruitful

international cooperation — must be a top priority. New,

ethical international relations should also be prioritized in

order to usher in a new era of peace and common

prosperity.

The Algiers Summit, however, did not restrict itself

to expressing, clearly, Africa’s desire to bring to an end

the tragic phase of conflicts which are tearing it apart,

and to go along, step by step, with the efforts of the

international community to institute a just and long-lasting

peace everywhere in the world. The Summit also studied

economic and development issues within the framework

of the Abuja Treaty, consolidating macroeconomic

reforms through the revival of sustained growth and

through regional integration within the framework of

African unity, the principle of which has just been

enshrined by the Sirte special Summit.

The Sirte Summit reaffirmed OAU solidarity with

and support for fraternal Libya concerning the need for a

final lifting of the unfair embargo imposed upon it. It

decided also to establish new rules and norms to facilitate

the development of operational structures and modalities

for OAU with a view to achieving effective union

between the countries of Africa. Such a union will

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guarantee Africa’s security and strengthen cooperation

between its peoples, which will gain Africa the respect and

status it deserves in the light of the heavy cost it has paid

throughout history in sacrifice, slavery, exploitation and

despoliation during the colonial era. Such a union will also

promote Africa’s material and human potential and all that

makes it so different from the rest of the world. In short,

the Sirte Summit has reaffirmed in full the right of Africa

to be an active part of the globalization process. As a

result, justice will be equal for all, and the new concepts

introduced by globalization will be immunized against any

form of injustice, abuse or exclusion.

The Summit also affirmed the necessity of advancing

new reforms in the context of cooperation and partnership

between the United Nations and OAU in all fields. Lastly,

the Summit proposed a new ethics for international

relations, where the requirements of production and

competition should obscure neither the higher interest of

humanity — whose very existence is under threat from all

kinds of environmental degradation and other scourges

affecting the natural world, humankind and human values

and institutions — nor the rights of nation States to their

integrity and sovereignty.

We do not deny the right of northern-hemisphere

public opinion to denounce the breaches of human rights

where they exist. Nor do we deny that the United Nations

has the right and the duty to help suffering humanity. But

we remain extremely sensitive to any undermining of our

sovereignty not only because sovereignty is our final

defence against the rules of an unjust world, but because

we have no active part in the decision-making process in

the Security Council nor in monitoring the implementation

of decisions.

Furthermore, inasmuch as the sovereign state remains

beyond dispute a place of social contract and the context

within which human rights should be organized — political

rights, as well as economic and social ones — the

international community should favour stability as well as

concord and the culture of democracy for our developing

countries. But all this will remain a dream so long as the

real issues at stake, those of economic and social

development, have not been clearly set out, because, for

Africa as for other continents, these issues are the crux of

the matter.

The debate on the concept of interference in internal

affairs consequently seems far from over, as at least three

questions require exact answers: first, where does aid stop

and interference begin? Second, where are the lines to be

drawn between the humanitarian, the political and the

economic? Third, is interference valid only in weak or

weakened States or for all States without distinction? In

any event, we firmly believe that interference in internal

affairs may take place only with the consent of the State

in question. We firmly believe that the countries of the

South are capable of overcoming their difficulties, so long

as solidarity, loyal assistance and the concern of the

developed countries and the international community do

not fail them.

Algeria has paid a very heavy price for democracy,

and like other African countries must shoulder the high

social cost of the reforms which it is undertaking. It has

embarked upon a vast project of national renewal. It is

working hard to ensure civil concord, enhance democracy,

establish the rule of law and renew and modernize its

judicial system and administration. In short, we are

working to create conditions for the best possible use of

the country’s economic potential and for individual and

collective well-being in a society where peace has been

restored and where free enterprise, justice and dignity are

guaranteed for all.

This is an enormous undertaking, but a necessary

one after a decade of ordeals in what was a war in

everything but name — a war that was inflicted on us,

and which allowed terrorism and extremism to do

violence against society, values, dignity and people’s

consciences. My country is re-emerging, slowly, from

these tragic events, which were foreign to Islam. Many

things have been said in various forums about this ordeal

which engulfed my country — most often, alas, by people

who are hostile to or who have only a superficial

knowledge of Algerian society and its problems. I will

refrain here from condemning anyone’s opinions, but I do

believe that when a people has been exposed to a tragedy

like the one in Algeria, for a whole decade, and has faced

up to it with the courage and tenacity which the Algerian

people have shown, then that people should at the least

have the right to use its own Republic’s institutions to

defend itself.

Yes, my country has been wounded — the very

flesh of its children has been wounded. Tens of thousands

of them are dead — some victims of fanaticism, some

victims of others’ madness. In general terms, people have

been victimized by the general confusion that nearly

brought the Republic to its knees, hence Algeria’s

overwhelming desire to defend its existence.

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In this context of passions unleashed, disorder, the

instinct for murder, the marginalization of society,

devastating nihilism and blood and tears, men, women and

children have lived through untold suffering and the

country’s infrastructure has been flagrantly and blindly

destroyed, with extremely negative effects on our economy.

Today the Algerian people are licking their wounds.

The main thrust of our national recovery is civil concord;

this shows the innate magnanimity of our people and our

unshakeable commitment to the lofty values of tolerance

which characterize true Islam. Today, the Algerian people

are rejecting violence because it is not part of our tradition.

They are committed to pivotal human rights, as they were

during their struggle for independence and during the

building of their country. They proved this in the

referendum of 16 September by saying a resounding "yes"

to the law on civil concord adopted by the Parliament in

July. They proved this also by opening their hearts and

extending the hand of generosity to those who had defied

society and the laws of the Republic. They are proving it

through their reliance on the law, itself increasingly inspired

by the lofty ideals of the State of law and which, without

being repressive, may not be broken by anyone, including

the State. They have proved it because, true to their own

selves, they know that peace and solidarity alone are the

keys to economic and social progress.

The principles which we are recommending in

international relations we are also resolutely endeavouring

to implement at home, on a national level. With the

restoration of peace, we shall consolidate all freedoms. We

will irreversibly establish a culture of democracy and

pluralism. We are currently committed to eliminating all

bureaucratic obstacles to free economic activity throughout

the country, endeavouring in this way to establish the rules

of social liberalism and the market economy.

On a regional level, we are pursuing negotiations with

the European Union on an association agreement and on the

Barcelona process. We shall spare no effort in relaunching

the project to construct an Arab Maghreb Union on the

basis of renewed inspiration, rational action and realistic

aims established in such a way as to ensure a viable,

reliable and long-lasting institution. Like other countries,

Algeria will pursue its negotiations to become a member of

the World Trade Organization. On an African level, it will

work unceasingly towards the advancement of the economic

integration agreements reached within the framework of the

Organization of African Unity; to settle the conflicts that

are tearing the continent apart; and to promote long-lasting

peace, which is favourable to sustained development.

In short, Algeria believes that in order to contribute

in a useful manner to the future of the world, the peaceful

settlement of conflicts, international stability, solidarity

between nations and equity in international relations,

Algeria must adapt to the economic and political realities

of this world, modernize, reinforce and liberalize the

general framework within which its economy operates,

encourage private investment and ensure equal

opportunity for all its citizens while ensuring their human

development. This comprehensive and coherent action

will be taken by my country in order to adapt to the way

the world is now, so that it can succeed and so that it can

gain its rightful place among the nations of the world, a

place we first won thanks to our tradition of support for

the ideals of this Organization.

Algeria is slowly but surely beginning to get back on

its feet. It has entered a period of convalescence. It has

done so thanks to its people’s potential, vitality and

energy and, thanks also to the solidarity shown by many

sister nations and friends throughout the world. From this

rostrum let me express the Algerian people’s deep

gratitude for and recognition of that solidarity.

We are at the end of one century and on the

threshold of the next. We are at the end of one

millennium and on the threshold of another. I share to

some extent the belief that these milestones of our era do

have an impact on the life and evolution of the human

race.

The twentieth century has had its moments of glory,

notably in bringing colonialism to an end, in combating

racism and in eliminating apartheid. But it has also had

its setbacks and failures, manifested in persistent

underdevelopment, in the not always successful struggle

to eliminate poverty and in the never-ending quest for

better concord between peoples.

Will we draw enough inspiration from these

milestones to turn around mindsets that still rigidly abide

by outdated concepts of international life? Will we be

able to hold out a fraternal hand to each other so that

well-being can be better shared out in the world? Will we

be capable of preparing a world for future generations

that is better than the one in which we live? We can

answer all these questions with a “yes”, and it is with

these optimistic words of hope that I conclude my

statement.