Algeria, 1997

Your election to the presidency of the General Assembly

at its fifty-second session, Sir, gives me the pleasant

opportunity to congratulate you most warmly and to wish

you all the best for success in carrying out the noble task

entrusted to you.

I wish also to pay tribute to your predecessor,

Ambassador Razali Ismail, who discharged his mandate

with a skill and effectiveness that earned our respect and

appreciation.

My praise goes also to Mr. Kofi Annan, who since

taking up his duties has worked with courage and

selflessness to revitalize the Organization with a view to

bringing it into step with the times and with the

aspirations of the peoples it brings together.

10

We are meeting once again at a time when it is being

confirmed and reconfirmed that the international

Organization is facing a comprehensive transition involving

two fundamental questions: whether mankind is able, first,

to form a concept of the Organization and to put that

concept into practice, and secondly, to ensure that the

concept and its implementation enjoy universal participation

rather than being the sole preserve of the dominant Powers.

The fact is that this transition has both a political and

a strategic dimension. Now, soon after the cold war, the

closure of the East-West rift and the end of the bipolar

system, we must find a new pattern of balances in order to

establish a new, more just and more unified world order, a

world order that respects the interests and aspirations of all,

a world order that quite simply restores the values and

ideals on which our Organization was built.

This transitional phase also has a basic economic

dimension: the challenge of globalization, which must be

faced by us all in unity so that there will be room for the

aspirations of each of us. The test is to master

globalization, for unbridled globalization would bring new

setbacks and new exclusions, which would pose a threat to

all.

Finally, this transition has a new dimension: that of

coping with threats thus far misunderstood or

underestimated, such as the scourges of international

terrorism, drug trafficking, international organized crime

and environmental degradation. In a related vein, we must

share the objective of establishing States based on the rule

of law, human rights and good governance as the

foundation of the new international relations we are

building.

Clearly, the United Nations is an active partner in this

global transition; hence, it must first of all adapt itself to

ongoing changes so that it can influence their development.

The Secretary-General has in fact taken the good step of

beginning reflection along these lines, for which we

commend him, and has taken the initiative to reform the

Organization.

Here, let me share some of my thoughts on this great

plan for the future.

My first thought is somewhat methodological in

nature. In the package of reforms submitted we distinctly

see those which come within the sole purview of the

Secretary-General of our Organization, and he has the right

as well as the duty to implement these reforms. But at the

same time, it is equally clear that other proposed reforms

come only within the purview of Member States, which

must naturally discuss them before taking a decision.

My second thought gives me the opportunity first of

all to express our satisfaction at the inclusion of new

priorities in United Nations activities — be they in the

area of human rights, humanitarian affairs, the

environment, combating terrorism or the crackdown on

drug trafficking. These are all new universal concerns,

and the United Nations has a central place in dealing with

them.

Having said that, the objective of streamlining our

Organization’s activities should not sacrifice what has

been and remains the very reason for being of the United

Nations — the two pillars on which it has always rested,

namely peace and development.

From this standpoint, international cooperation for

development, as much as international security and

disarmament affairs, must not suffer on account of the

restructuring contemplated. Otherwise, the credibility and

effectiveness of the United Nations would be eroded in

these areas of action, which are destined to remain at the

forefront of the challenges which our countries will have

to face.

My third thought concerns the financial crisis of our

Organization. Proposals made by the Secretary-General,

be it to introduce a new culture of management of

resources or to create a revolving fund, are of some

interest. However, it is important that Member States be

motivated, first and foremost, by the obligation they have

pursuant to the provisions of the Charter to pay their

contribution to the budget of the Organization regularly

and fully. This, in effect, is where we find the genuine

and lasting solution to a problem which seems to go on

indefinitely and which should be distinguished and solved

as such, without its serving as justification for depriving

the United Nations of essential functions which it intends

to undertake in the service of all.

My fourth thought relates to the United Nations

General Assembly. If it has become absolutely necessary

today to streamline the work of this central body and to

re-examine its programme and work methods, we should,

by the same token, see to it that the Assembly continues

to be the special forum of States where essential issues

concerning peace, security and development can be

debated and considered. This is certainly one of the most

appropriate ways to ensure effective participation in the

11

management of world affairs, in our quest for solutions to

international problems, and to promote genuine

democratization of international relations.

In the era of democracy, transparency and proper

management that we are claiming for our countries, there

is nothing more normal than to insist, together, on the same

values and principles in this Organization which unites us.

It is in this same spirit that we see the problem of the

legal nature of General Assembly decisions and resolutions,

which should be given the necessary effectiveness. It is also

in this spirit that we see the problem of re-balancing the

powers of the Secretary-General and the General Assembly,

which should come consistently within the scope of

redefining all the relationships among the principal organs

of the United Nations.

Finally, and this is my last thought, a revision of the

United Nations Charter is of crucial importance and

requires in-depth thought which would raise our

Organization to a level on par with the vision, principles

and objectives which are inherent in it.

In this same line of thought, and even if this goes

beyond the context of reforms proposed by the Secretary-

General, I would like to refer to the issue of the expansion

of the Security Council. The Council is, quite obviously,

the body whose role and responsibilities best reflect the

hopes, expectations and, above all, the frustrations of

States. Consequently, it is important that the reform tries to

reflect correctly the qualitative and quantitative changes

which have taken place in international relations.

The enhancement of the political and moral authority,

as well as the legitimacy, of this vital body requires a

balanced representation within it, whether with regard to

permanent or non-permanent seats. Furthermore, any

decisions regarding its expansion and the revision of its

methods of deliberation and decision-making would benefit

by having the broadest possible support of Member States.

The declaration of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of

the Non-Aligned Countries in New Delhi in April 1997,

which was reaffirmed here in New York, and that of

African heads of State and Government in Harare in June

1997 are, in this regard, valuable contributions for our

collective thinking regarding the membership and

functioning of the Security Council which we all hope will

serve our common expectations.

Among the new challenges facing the international

community, terrorism is the one which apparently is the

most formidable because of its threats not only to the

basic rights of the individual but also to the very

democratic foundations of our societies. No State can

consider itself immune from these threats in the long run.

In this regard, we should welcome the international

community’s awareness which has taken shape of the real

nature of this phenomenon. This has been accompanied

by greater mobilization of efforts against this scourge,

which, above and beyond hindering economic and social

development of States, engenders the most serious

dangers to international peace and security. In addition,

we should welcome the decision of the General Assembly

to include the campaign against international terrorism

among the major priorities in its medium-term plan of

action. The present stage requires that we make effective

use of every achievement by guiding United Nations

action in an innovative and practical direction, based on

operational legal aspects of multilateral activities against

terrorism.

In the same vein, the conclusion of an international

convention to suppress acts of terrorism in an integrated,

global manner must be one of the major priority areas for

more effective international action. The international

community must, above all, resolutely respond to the

needs of the struggle against terrorism, depriving terrorists

of sanctuary and strictly abiding by the relevant

international instruments.

In every sphere, Algeria is continuing to work for

the emergence and consolidation of mutually beneficial

frameworks for dialogue, solidarity and cooperation and

for the promotion of relations based on confidence,

mutual respect and common interest. That is what guides

Algeria in its commitment to building a Maghreb that is

united, acts in solidarity and is stable and prosperous.

Algeria, which has made the Maghreb project a national

priority, is resolved to work together with its partners

there to relaunch the process of building the Maghreb on

a solid and durable basis.

To this end, my country is contributing to the search

for a just and lasting solution to the question of Western

Sahara. Aware of its responsibilities as both a

neighbouring country and an official observer of the

Settlement Plan, Algeria has repeatedly urged the

12

international community to shoulder its responsibilities with

regard to the peace process in Western Sahara. The recent

agreement in Houston, resulting from the direct talks

between the Kingdom of Morocco and the POLISARIO

Front, under the auspices of Mr. James Baker, the Personal

Envoy of the Secretary-General, brought a solution to

problems that had until then prevented implementation of

the United Nations Settlement Plan. This constitutes major

progress towards the final settlement of this conflict, and

Algeria, like the rest of the international community, is

delighted. Concerned for the stability and security of the

region, Algeria will continue to make a full contribution to

the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy

aimed at the holding of a referendum to enable the people

of Western Sahara freely to exercise their right to self-

determination.

In the Mediterranean almost a quarter of a century ago

my country distinguished itself through its pioneering role

in highlighting the indivisible link between the two coasts

of our common sea with regard to security and cooperation

matters. The Helsinki process began at that time. Because

of its dedication to the Barcelona process, Algeria is today

continuing to work to establish and consolidate permanent

frameworks for dialogue and cooperation so as to ensure

that we deal in a satisfactory manner with the political,

security, economic and human concerns of all the States in

the European-Mediterranean theatre as well as the

legitimate aspirations of their peoples. We are encouraged

in this regard by the reaffirmation at the Second Euro-

Mediterranean Conference, held in Malta on 15 and 16

April 1997, of the dedication of the Mediterranean countries

to the Barcelona process, which rightly constitutes a major

political achievement that should be preserved and promoted.

In the same context, I am pleased to refer to the

holding of the fourth meeting of Foreign Ministers of the

Mediterranean Forum in Algiers on 11 and 12 July. This

provided the European-Mediterranean theatre with a special

meeting place for dialogue to foster mutual understanding

and give a new dynamic to the promotion of the European-

Mediterranean partnership, at both the multilateral and

bilateral levels.

Within the Mediterranean theatre, recent developments

in the Middle East are in many respects causing great alarm

and legitimate concerns on the part of the international

community. Prospects for peace that were recently opened

up by the peace process now seem dangerously distant, and

fear of a return to confrontation is increasing every day.

At the heart of the current impasse are the Israeli

Administration’s renunciation of the Oslo declaration and

the Washington agreements; its negation of the principle

of land for peace and its refusal to resume negotiations at

the point at which they were suspended; and its

continuing policy of settlement, including in Al-Quds Al-

Sharif, where a programme of systematic judaization is

continuing. The Israeli Administration must understand

that only a lasting peace — that is, a just and

comprehensive peace — can ensure genuine security for

all the peoples of the region.

The revitalization of the peace process requires the

Israeli Administration urgently to end its unilateral

actions, which are contrary to the spirit and letter of the

commitments that it entered into.

Similarly, it cannot indefinitely and with impunity go

against the will of the international community, which has

set as an absolute requirement for peace withdrawal from

the Golan and southern Lebanon, as well as the right to

self-determination of the Palestinian people, including

their right to an independent State with Al-Quds Al-Sharif

as its capital.

Also in that part of the world the Iraqi people are

continuing to suffer unjustly from the effects of a cruel

embargo. My country can only renew its appeal for the

lifting of sanctions, which have lasted for too long and

cannot be justified today. This appeal also applies to the

situation of the Libyan people, who also continue to be

subjected to an embargo that is as unjust as it is invalid.

Given the start of the process of disengagement from

Africa by the international community, and the dangers of

marginalization, Africa’s resurgence demonstrates its firm

determination to take charge of its destiny and to break

the cycle of dependence once and for all. This welcome

development also demonstrates the collective

determination of Africa to face the considerable

challenges that confront it by relying first and foremost

on its own resources. In fact, every day Africa gives the

lie to the theory that it is condemned to be a zone without

laws or development, a zone of insecurity and instability.

The democracy and pluralism, which are gaining

ground every day in Africa and taking firm hold and the

economic growth at rates that are often spectacular, point

to new development prospects. At the same time, Africa

is showing a promising capacity for conflict management

and resolution.

13

The establishment of the Organization of African

Unity Central Organ’s Mechanism for Conflict Prevention,

Management and Resolution and the Treaty setting up the

African Economic Community are the product of the spirit

of solidarity and mutual assistance which is rooted in

African culture and of a strategy for giving fresh impetus

to intra-African factors of integration and complementarity.

This is the forum to state that the international community

must encourage and help these praiseworthy efforts.

In this regard, we welcome the convening of a special

ministerial meeting of the Security Council on Africa,

which is a major political advance. We venture to hope that

we are thereby taking steps towards international solidarity

with the African continent, which will finally be considered

an active partner which cannot be excluded from

humankind’s great march towards the fulfilment of its

destiny.

The signs of recovery which have recently been

evident through the growth of the world economy are a real

source of satisfaction. However, this slight improvement

needs to be consolidated so as to make it the lasting trend

of the end of the century.

In this regard, it is particularly important that the

problems of development around the world, and particularly

in developing countries, be given priority, since the current

contribution of developing countries is still well below their

potential and falls short of the role they legitimately want

to play.

The phenomenon of globalization, which promises so

much, instead continues to bring great uncertainty to the

countries of the South, which is compounded by concern at

seeing many of them further marginalized and even

excluded from the long-awaited overall development

process they so desire. This state of affairs is mainly due to

a structure of international relations still marked by the

North-South divide. It highlights the continuation of the

basically adverse nature of an international economic

environment characterized by the North’s increasing

monopoly of the decisive elements of development: trade,

financial and stock markets, flows of capital and

investment, and technology transfer.

The countries of the South have made economically

and socially costly adjustments, and carried out bold

reforms in their quest for greater integration into world

trade, but they still encounter numerous difficulties. These

are aggravated by, inter alia: stifling external indebtedness;

a continued deterioration of the terms of trade; an alarming

decline in official development assistance; and an equally

worrying reduction of international cooperation for

development in general.

These disturbing trends are in contrast with the

global consensus that has emerged during major

international conferences organized over the past decade

under the auspices of the United Nations. They raise

legitimate questions as to the very future of the system

established to organize international cooperation for

development.

On the eve of the third millennium, and at a time

when we are trying to find consensus on the need to

reform our Organization to prepare it to take up

challenges and face future tasks, we all need to do some

soul-searching. Tomorrow’s United Nations will be what

we, the peoples of the United Nations, want it to be. And

the new United Nations that our countries intend to build

will, above all, need to be freed from the mistakes and

bad habits of the past.

Yesterday, the United Nations was a melting pot for

the ideals and values that unite us; tomorrow its job is to

reconcile these ideals and values with all the expectations

of our peoples and nations that are still to be met. This

reform project should result in our ideals and values being

dealt with in the only way that matters, namely, turned

into a vision that become reality. This is what lies at the

heart of this major project which we can undertake for the

United Nations and, in the final analysis, for ourselves.