North Korea, 1999

At the outset, please allow me to express, on

behalf of the delegation of the Democratic People's

Republic of Korea, our pleasure on congratulating you,

Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General

Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. We believe that your

diplomatic skill and rich experience will greatly contribute

to our work at this session.

I avail myself of this opportunity to extend my

gratitude to Mr. Didier Opertti, Minister for Foreign

Affairs of the Republic of Uruguay, for his tangible

contribution to United Nations activities during his tenure

of his office as President of the General Assembly at its

fifty-third session. I also express appreciation for the

efforts of the Secretary-General towards strengthening the

functions and the role of the United Nations.

The current session, which is being held at the

historic turn of the century, has an important mission to

give new hope to humankind. The challenges and the

difficulties facing international society are growing ever

more complex and intricate. The cold war has ended but

domination and hegemony continue to exist. High-

handedness and arbitrariness continue to pose major

threats to international peace and security. Because of the

high-handedness and arbitrariness, so prevalent in

international relations, the principles of justice and

fairness are often disregarded and the principle of

sovereign equality — a lifeline to United Nations

activities — is shaken to its very foundation.

Moreover, we have recently seen grave situations

whereby the internal affairs of sovereign States are

interfered in by force. Today international society must

choose one of the two following options: whether the

twenty-first century will be a century of independence,

equality and peace, or whether it will be a century of

high-handedness and arbitrariness. If we choose the latter,

all countries with weak national defence capabilities will

be vulnerable to bombing, as was the case in Yugoslavia.

As we are all well aware, the Korean peninsula

stands at the centre of international peace and security.

Therefore, as a party directly concerned, I wish to take

this opportunity to present the details of views and

positions regarding the present situation there. This will,

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we believe, be a most effective contribution to the work of

the current session.

At present, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

is being blatantly portrayed as a dangerous area of nuclear

weapons proliferation and a source of missile threats. For

example, an empty tunnel is suspected of being an

underground nuclear facility and a satellite is labelled a

ballistic missile. These are now being used as pretexts for

reviving a “star wars” plan, a phantom of the cold war, in

a variant named “the missile defence system”. Meanwhile,

the attempts of a defeated State to rearm and to re-emerge

as a military power are being accelerated at the fastest

possible speed and even a debate calling for nuclear

armaments has come to the fore.

Pursuant to operation plan 502798, aimed at

preemptive attacks against the Democratic People's

Republic of Korea, large-scale strike forces have been

surreptitiously amassed in and around South Korea. They

are entering into actual combat readiness through various

joint military exercises. It is becoming almost a reality, not

simply an assumption, that the Korean peninsula will

become a second Balkans. In the Balkan region, a

humanitarian crisis served as a pretext for war, whereas on

the Korean peninsula, the so-called missile issue is likely to

be used instead.

Our satellite launch is an exercise of equal rights in

the use of outer space that is recognized by the United

Nations. Strengthening our national defence capabilities is

an exercise of our sovereign right of legitimate defence: it

does not constitute a violation of any obligations the

Democratic People's Republic of Korea has under existing

international treaties. Nevertheless, the Democratic People's

Republic of Korea has become a target of United States

high-handedness and arbitrariness. The reason is very clear:

placing the entire Korean peninsula under its control is a

top priority of the Asia strategy of the United States. As

Yugoslavia becomes an impediment to United States

domination over the Balkan area, so the adherence of the

Democratic People's Republic of Korea to socialism is

considered an obstacle to its Asia strategy.

Much the same can be said about why Japan is so

hysterically resorting to a campaign against the Democratic

People's Republic of Korea. Japan has not liquidated its

past crimes against the Democratic People's Republic of

Korea, alone amongst countries. Japan is miscalculating

that, if the Democratic People's Republic of Korea were

stifled, the issue of liquidating its past crimes would fade

away by itself. Not only that, Japan is fabricating threats,

one after the other, as an excuse to become a military

Power.

Our people love peace and aspire to it even more

than others: they lived for the first half of this century

under the colonial rule of Japan and they have been living

for the second in a state of belligerence with the United

States. Nevertheless, we do not beg for peace: we want a

peace in which we can enjoy an independent life, not the

peace of slaves denied all freedom.

Sovereignty is the lifeline of the Democratic People's

Republic of Korea and socialism is the life of our people.

It is the unshakeable will of our people, and State policy

of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, to defend,

consolidate and develop to the utmost our own style of

socialism, chosen by the people themselves. This is an

exercise of the right to self-determination and freedom of

choice recognized by the United Nations. The present-day

confrontation on the Korean peninsula is in essence a

confrontation between those who are masters of their own

country trying to defend all that is theirs and the foreign

forces attempting to harm them. This is the main factor

underlying the continuing instability on the Korean

peninsula.

Herein also lies the answer to the question of who is

posing a threat to whom. It is not easy for our people,

whose territory and population are small and who still

lack almost everything, to defend their sovereignty single-

handedly in the face of the collective, hostile power

politics of the United States and its forces of

subordination. We have no alternative but to strengthen

our national defence capability ourselves, although this

means we must tighten our belts. Because of our lack of

capacity, Comrade Kim Jong Il, the great leader of our

people, is employing an “army first” policy. This policy

is our own unique way of uniting the whole people with

the army into a bulwark, thus enabling us both to defend

the country and develop its economy. Despite the

persistent political, military and economic moves of

hostile forces to suffocate us, up until now we have

succeeded in defending our sovereignty and preventing

another war on the Korean peninsula. This proves the

strength of the “army first” policy, for defending

socialism and ensuring peace with weapons.

The way to ensure lasting peace and security on the

Korean peninsula is to end the hostile relations between

the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the

United States and reunify Korea. The Democratic People's

Republic of Korea and the United States are still in a

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state of temporary armistice. Easing tension on the Korean

peninsula and eliminating the danger of war will be

possible when the United States discards, among other

things, its hostile policy against the Democratic People's

Republic of Korea and concludes a peace agreement with

it. There is no convincing reason why the United States

must continue to antagonize the Democratic People's

Republic of Korea alone in north-east Asia, almost 10 years

after the end of the cold war. We do not want war, but we

do strive to achieve the peaceful reunification of our

country.

We have already made it clear that we would not

regard the United States as a permanent enemy. We have

also fully shown our good faith through our sincere

implementation over the last five years of the Agreed

Framework between the United States and the Democratic

People's Republic of Korea. We have also made it clear

that, while we will make continued efforts to catch up with

neighbouring countries in the field of peaceful space

activities, we are ready for discussions on the missile issue

at any time, if hostile nations are sincere in their intentions

to dispel our concern. Now it is the turn of the United

States to prove its good faith to us with deeds, if it does not

harbour ill intent towards the Democratic People's Republic

of Korea. It is fortunate that the United States has recently

decided on a partial lifting of economic sanctions against

the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, but we look

forward to a comprehensive and genuine lifting of them all.

If the United States stops pursuing its hostile policy

towards the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and

moves towards improved relations, we also will respond

with good faith. For the present, we are to have high-level

talks towards a settlement of outstanding issues between the

Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the United

States. These are to be held in response to the request from

the United States, and missile launches will be suspended

while the talks are under way.

The United States should not attempt to test the

strength of our military capability or frighten and subdue

our people with military threats and provocations. Reckless

acts such as these will surely result in a strong self-defence

response with possibly catastrophic consequences.

The United Nations should fulfil its responsibility for

ensuring peace on the Korean peninsula by implementing,

as early as possible, General Assembly resolution 3390

(XXX) B, calling for dissolution of the United Nations

Command.

The early achievement of national reunification is

the long-cherished desire of our nation. At the same time,

it is a prerequisite for ensuring durable peace and security

on the Korean peninsula. As long as Korea remains

divided, the situation on the Korean peninsula and its

surrounding areas will never be stable. This is detrimental

to peace in Asia and also in the rest of the world.

We have already established national reunification

principles. The three principles of independence, peaceful

reunification and great national unity, which the North

and South of Korea confirmed and made public at home

and abroad, in the 4 July joint statement, constitute the

grand reunification programme. They form the

cornerstone of national reunification, which the United

Nations officially welcomed in the resolution adopted at

the twentieth session of the General Assembly.

The most above board and reasonable way to

achieve reunification is the confederal formula, by which

the North and South of Korea would be able to realize

national reunification fairly and smoothly on the basis of

preserving each other's ideas and systems as they are.

Any attempts by one side to change the other, to make

claims about the “sunshine policy” and engagement, while

ignoring the reality that two different ideas and systems

are existing in the North and South, will only mean

confrontations and conflict.

In order to eliminate confrontations between the

North and the South, and to promote national

reconciliation and unity, the South Korean authorities

should abolish, inter alia, the national security law, which

has identified fellow countrymen as the enemy. The fact

that delegates of patriotic organizations for reunification

in South Korea who visited Pyongyang last August were

imprisoned, because of their participation in the grand

reunification festival, shows a clear picture of anti-

reunification acts and human rights violations by South

Korean authorities wielding the national security law. The

South Korean authorities are now talking about

reconciliation and cooperation with the North. But behind

the scenes, they are criminalizing contacts and exchanges

among the people and other personages of the North and

South of Korea and are suppressing patriotic reunification

forces by invoking the national security law.

Therefore, as long as the national security law and

anti-national and anti-reunification law remains in place,

it is impossible to achieve national reconciliation and

unity and realize contacts and exchanges between the

North and South of Korea. Only when the South Korean

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authorities take an attitude of national independence and

patriotism, instead of depending upon foreign forces and

collaborating with them, will North-South relations become

characterized by trust and reconciliation and will a decisive

breakthrough be opened for reunification.

On 18 April of last year, the respected General Kim

Jong Il put forward the five point policy of great national

unity to hasten the independent and peaceful reunification

of the country. That policy is, first, to base oneself on the

principle of national reunification; secondly, to unite the

whole nation under the banners of patriotism and national

reunification; thirdly, to improve North-South relations;

fourthly, to struggle against alien domination and anti-

reunification forces; and fifthly, to develop exchanges,

contacts and dialogues and to strengthen solidarity and

coalition throughout the entire nation.

Great unity of the whole nation would be national

reunification. Even though there are still numerous

difficulties and obstacles in the way of national

reunification, we are optimistic about its prospects. Our

nation is one, and so is our motherland. Under the banner

of national reunification, our nation will achieve great

national unity without fail.

The twenty-first century should be a century of

independence, in which “dominationism” and high-

handedness are eliminated and the sovereignty of all States

is equally respected. In order to bring about a new century

of independence and of durable peace, a just international

order that never tolerates high-handedness and arbitrariness

should be established.

To this end, the principle of respect for sovereignty

should be strictly adhered to as the supreme principle in

international relations. The assertion that disarmament,

human rights and humanitarian issues should be placed

above sovereignty should be firmly denounced as a

dangerous attempt to justify both high-handedness and

arbitrariness. Disputes cannot be properly settled by high-

handed and arbitrary measures, such as sanctions and the

use of force. They should be resolved through dialogue and

negotiation on all accounts.

Countries of Africa and the Middle East that are

insisting they should be responsible for resolving their

issues through dialogue and negotiations are enjoying the

support of the international community. What is important

in establishing a just international order is to ensure fairness

in the formulation and application of international treaties

relating to disarmament, human rights and so forth. In

particular, the double standard of abusing international

law as a pretext for interference in the internal affairs of

sovereign States and the use of force against sovereign

States should be strictly rejected.

In order for the United Nations to fulfil its

responsibilities and its role in accordance with the

Charter, democracy should be practised in United Nations

activities. Without enhancing the authority of the General

Assembly, and without an early restructuring of the

Security Council, the United Nations will be unable to

meet the demands of a rapidly changing situation and to

cope with new challenges. The authority of the General

Assembly, where all Member States are represented and

interact democratically on an equal footing, should be

enhanced.

If the General Assembly is empowered to deliberate

on crucial issues, such as ensuring international peace and

security, and finally examines important Security Council

resolutions concerning sanctions and the use of force, this

will be conducive to ensuring fairness in United Nations

activities and preventing arbitrariness by individual

countries. The Security Council should be reformed in

such a way as to have all regions equally represented in

its composition and to ensure full transparency in all of

its activities.

In this regard, we oppose under any circumstances

the permanent membership of a defeated nation that has

not liquidated its past crimes. We are of the view that the

proposal put forward by member countries of the Non-

Aligned Movement to first increase non-permanent seats,

which is relatively easy to agree upon at this stage,

deserves sincere consideration. Since the Security Council

is taking its actions on behalf of the general United

Nations membership, its working methods and,

particularly, decision-making processes should be made

more transparent for all of the Member States.

The Government of the Democratic People's

Republic of Korea will continue to maintain

independence, peace and friendship as the fundamental

ideals of its foreign policy.

We are convinced that attaching importance to

independence, peace and friendship in international

relations conforms with the purposes and principles of the

United Nations and makes a contribution to peace and

security on the Korean peninsula, in Asia and in the rest

of the world.

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In conclusion, I assure the Assembly that the

delegation of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

will make sincere efforts for the success of the current

session and will extend its active cooperation to the work

of the presidency.