Mongolia, 2000

Allow me at

the outset to join previous speakers in congratulating

you, Sir, on your election as President of the

Millennium Assembly of the United Nations. Allow me

also to express my confidence that under your skilful

stewardship this session of the General Assembly will

successfully accomplish its mandate. I also wish to

commend our outgoing President, Mr. Theo-Ben

Gurirab, for his eminent leadership during the previous

session of the Assembly.

My delegation extends its warm welcome to the

Government and the people of Tuvalu, whose

membership has brought the United Nations yet

another step closer to universality.

This session of the General Assembly is entrusted

with the honourable mission of following up on what

was agreed by the Millennium Summit of world

leaders. For me personally, this session is also very

special. For 26 years, or most of my diplomatic career,

I have been associated with the United Nations. I feel

particularly privileged to deliver as Foreign Minister a

policy statement of my Government from this rostrum.

A few days ago, Member States reaffirmed at the

highest level their commitment to the purposes and

principles of the United Nations Charter, their

unequivocal support for a more efficient and

reinvigorated United Nations and their firm resolve to

collectively work towards a healthier and cleaner

world, free from fear and free from want. The

Millennium Declaration underscored the collective

responsibility of world leaders to uphold the principles

of human dignity, equality and equity at the global

level.

That sense of solidarity and shared responsibility

is, in our view, crucial for the international community

to be able to address effectively the formidable

challenges at the dawn of the new millennium. The

challenges the world faces today are indeed manifold

and complex, both in scope and nature. The central

challenge, as identified in the Secretary-General's

millennium report, is how to make globalization more

inclusive and have its benefits equitably enjoyed by all

nations.

4

As recently as the mid-1980s, the notion of

globality was virtually unknown in the international

vocabulary, let alone the concepts of global governance

or global climate change. Yet just a little more than a

decade later, not only does the idea of globality blend

with our day-to-day life, globalization per se has turned

into a powerful and inevitable process. Globalization

has been generously showered lately with both praise

and criticism. Along with greater opportunities, it can

also lead to situations of heightened insecurity,

especially for the weak and poor nations. As my

President, Natsagiyn Bagabandi, noted in his

Millennium address,

“Mongolia believes that, with its impartiality and

universal legitimacy, as well as its Charter-based

prevalence over any other international

agreement, the United Nations is uniquely placed

to provide an overarching general guidance to the

process of globalization … so that it incorporates

the human dimension in its seemingly unruly

trends”. (A/55/PV.4)

As we draw lessons from the 1997-1998 Asian

financial crisis, it has become more evident that the

process of globalization ought to be managed so as to

make the best of its opportunities and diminish its

negative effects; and that internal policies, no matter

how righteous, are not sufficient to ensure sustained

economic growth in this era of growing

interdependence. This is even more true for

developing, structurally disadvantaged countries. In a

globally liberalized trade and financial system, these

countries need to be assisted to withstand powerful

external forces, which so often are utterly destructive.

Again, this necessitates a genuine display of solidarity

and shared responsibility on the part of the

international community.

The global fight against abject poverty, inequality

and disparity, violence, HIV/AIDS, organized crime

and other acute problems is being impeded by, inter

alia, the increasing external debt burden, the decline in

official development assistance and the growing digital

and development divides between haves and have-nots.

The affluent countries could exhibit their solidarity and

shared responsibility by further opening their markets,

providing deeper and faster debt relief, and giving

more and better-focused development assistance and

incentives for foreign direct investment flows to their

less fortunate partners. In this context, Mongolia looks

to the upcoming high-level international conference on

financing for development, the Third United Nations

Conference on the Least Developed Countries, and the

new multilateral trade negotiations to produce specific,

time-bound commitments.

Mongolia welcomes the South Summit

Declaration and the Havana Programme of Action as

well as the outcome of the meeting between the G-77

and the G-8 in Okinawa as important junctures

providing an inspiring vision for more action-oriented

South-South cooperation and a meaningful North-

South partnership.

My delegation attaches great importance to the

decisions adopted at the tenth session of the United

Nations Conference on Trade and Development

(UNCTAD), which underscored the necessity of

creating a legal environment that would facilitate

transit traffic for landlocked developing countries,

improve transit infrastructure and increase efficiency of

trade by eliminating transport and bureaucratic

bottlenecks. Here, I am pleased to announce that a first

specific step to enhance and facilitate multilateral

transit transport cooperation is being taken in the

North-East Asian region. As a result of a tripartite

meeting held in Ulan Bator under the auspices of

UNCTAD earlier this year, Mongolia, Russia and

China have agreed to conclude a transit traffic

framework agreement. Negotiations to draft such an

agreement are under way.

My delegation further believes that the upcoming

fifth meeting of governmental experts from landlocked

and transit developing countries and representatives of

donor countries and financial development institutions,

as well as a ministerial meeting on transit transport

issues, expected to be held in 2003, will play a critical

role in strengthening a common framework of action to

ease the burden faced by landlocked developing

countries.

We support the proposals put forward in the

millennium report by the Secretary-General on

improving the provision of health services and

communications in areas stricken by natural disasters.

As some might be aware, heavy snowstorms and the

extremely cold winter of 1999-2000 in Mongolia

caused the loss of nearly 3 million heads of livestock,

or about 10 per cent of the nation's entire livestock

population. Besides the direct loss of livestock, these

heavy winter conditions, known as dzud, had other

gravely devastating economic and social consequences,

5

including the loss of precious human lives. I would like

to take this opportunity to express, on behalf of my

Government and the people of Mongolia, our sincere

gratitude to those Governments, international

organizations and individuals that rendered timely

assistance and support in our efforts to overcome the

consequences of dzud.

As world leaders solemnly reaffirmed in their

Millennium Declaration,

“the United Nations is the indispensable

common house of the entire human family,

through which we will seek to realize our

universal aspirations for peace, cooperation and

development.”(A/RES/55/2, para. 32)

If the United Nations is to adequately respond to

the challenges of today's increasingly interdependent

and rapidly changing world, a great deal will depend

on its ability to adapt itself to an environment that is

markedly different from the one in which it was

conceived by its founders 55 years ago.

The demands on the Organization have increased

many times over, especially in the area of

peacekeeping. The lessons of Srebrenica, Rwanda and

Sierra Leone have made it abundantly clear that a

thorough and critical review is needed to make

peacekeeping operations succeed in meeting our

commitment under the Charter. We are deeply indebted

to the United Nations Panel on Peace Operations,

chaired by Ambassador Brahimi, which, in its report,

presented a frank analysis of the prevailing situation

and forthright recommendations for change. The report

deserves serious consideration and specific action at

this session of the General Assembly.

Mongolia stands committed to making a practical

contribution to United Nations peacekeeping

operations. As part of its efforts to adequately equip its

military officers and units for participation therein,

Mongolia took part for the first time in recent training

exercises held in Kazakhstan for Central Asian

countries.

Efforts to reform the Security Council have not

yet brought us closer to resolving some of the

fundamental issues on the agenda of the Open-ended

Working Group on that question. Like many others, we

continue to believe that the expansion of the Security

Council should take place made in both categories,

permanent and non-permanent. In the former category,

along with major industrialized Powers such as Japan

and Germany, developing countries from Asia, Africa

and Latin America that are able to contribute to the

maintenance of international peace and security should

occupy their rightful place in the Council. A reasonable

increase in the number of non-permanent seats would

reflect the representative character of the Council and

enable a growing number of Member States to

contribute to its work. An essential part of the reform

process should deal with the veto power, the use of

which should be considerably curtailed.

Mongolias vision of the future of the United

Nations has been elaborated in the memorandum of its

Government on enhancing the role of the United

Nations in promoting the security interests of small

States, circulated in the United Nations as document

A/55/310.

North-East Asia is a region where the interests of

the big and powerful intersect, where the leftovers of

the cold-war era are still discernible, and where

territorial disputes await a positive solution.

Nonetheless, groundbreaking developments are taking

place which give rise to optimism and hope. I have in

mind the historic inter-Korean summit, which has

played a crucial role for building trust and confidence

between the two countries. This and other recent

developments may well have a positive impact on the

situation in North-East Asia as a whole.

Due to its historical and geopolitical realities,

North-East Asia is probably the only subregion that

lacks a mechanism at the governmental level where

security issues of concern can be discussed

collectively. Various ideas and proposals to this effect

have been floating around for some time, but no

serious discussion of this issue has taken place so far at

the track one level. The time may have come to start

thinking about the possibility of engaging in a

dialogue, starting with a free exchange of views on the

framework of these discussions.

As we review the progress made in the area of

arms limitation, disarmament and non-proliferation,

our reaction can at best be termed as mixed. While

there has been some movement forward in certain

areas, there has been little or no progress in others.

The 2000 Review Conference of the States

Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons (NPT) included in its Final

Document a number of agreed conclusions and

6

recommendations related to nuclear disarmament. For

the first time ever, with reference to article VI, all the

nuclear-weapon States made

“an unequivocal undertaking to accomplish the

total elimination of their nuclear arsenals, leading

to total nuclear disarmament to which all States

parties are committed under article VI”.

(NPT/CONF.2000/28, part I, p. 14, para. 15 (6))

The Conference also agreed on the need to

establish in the Conference on Disarmament an

appropriate subsidiary body with a mandate to deal

with nuclear disarmament. It called for the immediate

establishment of such a body. The Conference also

called for further efforts by the nuclear-weapon States

to reduce their nuclear arsenals unilaterally and for

further reductions of non-strategic nuclear weapons,

based on unilateral initiatives as an integral part of the

nuclear disarmament process. A call has been made for

the engagement, as soon as appropriate, of all the

nuclear-weapon States in a process leading to the total

elimination of their nuclear arsenal. These elements

constitute an important statement of purpose and, if

translated into practice, will open the way to practical

nuclear disarmament measures.

Mongolia welcomes the ratification by the

Russian Federation of the Comprehensive Test Ban

Treaty (CTBT) and START II treaties, and we look

forward to the United States' ratification of the CTBT

at an early date. We urge the Russian Federation and

the United States to follow up on their earlier

announcement regarding the discussions on the

START III Treaty.

Mongolia joins the international appeal to the key

States to ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban

Treaty so that it could be brought into force as soon as

possible. The urgency of this call becomes even more

compelling in light of the activities that could seriously

undermine the nuclear non-proliferation regime.

My delegation also believes that it is important

for the Conference on Disarmament, which for several

years has been unable to agree on a programme of

work, to end its stalemate and to engage in earnest

negotiations on an early conclusion of a universal and

verifiable fissile materials cut-off treaty. Pending the

negotiation of that treaty, we would welcome a

moratorium by the nuclear-weapon-States on the

production of weapons-grade fissile materials and for

greater transparency through disclosure of their present

stocks. Better still, we would urge the United Nations

to establish a register for all stocks of weapons-grade

fissile material. This would help establish an important

balance with the United Nations Register of

Conventional Arms.

We welcome the decision taken by the United

States to postpone the deployment of a national missile

defence system. The undermining of the Anti-Ballistic

Missile (ABM) Treaty, a cornerstone of strategic

stability, could trigger an uncontrollable nuclear arms

race.

The growing emphasis placed of late on nuclear

weapons in military doctrines is a cause of increasing

concern. It is, therefore, only natural that countries like

Mongolia favour the adoption of such steps as de-

alerting of nuclear weapons, removal of nuclear

warheads from delivery vehicles and joint undertakings

by the nuclear-weapon powers of a pledge not to be the

first to use nuclear weapons. These are essential safety

measures that would reduce the risk of unauthorized or

miscalculated use of nuclear weapons. In addition,

provision should be made for legally binding negative

security assurances to non-nuclear States Parties to the

NPT, as has become customary for nuclear-weapon

States in signing Protocols to nuclear-weapon-free

zone treaties. In this context, Mongolia welcomes the

Secretary-General's proposal to convene a major

international conference aimed at identifying ways of

eliminating nuclear dangers. We hope that this timely

proposal will be given serious consideration at this

session of the General Assembly, followed by the

adoption of a relevant resolution to this effect.

Mongolia shares the legitimate concern of the

world community over the global proliferation of small

arms and light weapons, which are the principal

instruments of death wherever conflicts and wars

occur. We hope that the United Nations Conference on

the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in

All Its Aspects, scheduled for 2001, will result in

practical measures designed to tighten control, curb the

spread and destroy surplus weapons.

As is known, in 1992 Mongolia declared its

territory a nuclear-weapon-free zone; this was widely

supported by the international community. Since then

we have come a long way. At its fifty-third session the

General Assembly adopted resolution 53/77 D entitled

“Mongolia's international security and nuclear-

weapon-free status”. As a follow-up to its declaration,

7

the Mongolian Parliament adopted a law last February

on Mongolia's nuclear-weapon-free status, thus

institutionalizing it at the national level. At this

session, we expect a joint statement by the nuclear-

weapon States to provide security assurances to

Mongolia in connection with its nuclear-weapon-free

status, which would represent an important step along

the road to institutionalizing that status at the

international level. I wish to put on record my

Government's appreciation to the five Permanent

Members for their constructive cooperation and

support.

We believe that the aforementioned security

assurances would be more credible if Mongolia's other

external security issues were duly addressed. In that

case, not only would the status be more credible; but it

would also allow Mongolia to serve as a positive factor

of stability and predictability in the region. In this

connection, we certainly share the view of the

Secretary-General, expressed in his report on this item,

that consultations with the relevant United Nations

bodies will produce concrete and action-oriented

approaches to addressing the non-nuclear aspects of

security.

In line with the broader approach to security, and

on the basis of relevant provisions of the

aforementioned resolution, the International

Conference on Human Security in a Globalized World,

in the context of Mongolia, was held this year with the

participation of the United Nations and international

experts; it produced detailed recommendations on a

wide range of human security-related areas. In many

respects, the recommendations of our Conference

parallel the spirit and concepts of the Millennium

Declaration.

In July of this year parliamentary elections were

held in Mongolia, the fourth elections since the onset

of democratic reforms a decade ago. The elections

were recognized as free and fair by all political forces,

as well as by international observers, and served as a

testimony of further consolidation of democratic norms

and institutions in my country. They proved once again

that the embrace of democracy and respect for human

rights are an irreversible choice made by the

Mongolian people. As a result of the elections, the

Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party won an

overwhelming majority of seats in the Parliament.

From this high rostrum, I wish to reiterate my

Government's robust commitment to the consolidation

of democracy and the continuity of reforms. The task

of ensuring human security and promoting human-

centred development is high on the agenda of the new

Government, as envisaged in its action programme.

The Government is resolved to ensure sustained

economic growth through reinvigorating and

encouraging the development of domestic industry,

upgrading the living standards of the people by

reducing poverty and unemployment and ensuring

equitable social and educational opportunities.

The Government of Mongolia will intensify the

structural reforms and encourage an export-oriented,

private sector-led economy. Mining, the processing of

raw materials of animal origin, tourism and other

export-oriented sectors are the priority areas of

development. The privatization of State assets,

including the most valued State enterprises, will

continue. The creation of a favourable environment for

the attraction of foreign investment is also a priority

objective.

I fully share the view expressed in the

Millennium Report that success depends to a

considerable degree on the quality of governance the

country enjoys. Hence, my Government attaches

particular importance to enhancing the effectiveness,

transparency and accountability of public offices and

fighting corruption in both corporate and public areas.

The Government of Mongolia is determined to

cooperate closely with non-governmental organizations

and other representatives of civil society in enhancing

the rule of law throughout the country.

In its endeavours to carry out simultaneous

economic and political reforms, Mongolia is

encountering a multitude of challenges. The eighth

meeting of the Mongolia Assistance Group will be held

later this year in Paris, and my Government is

confident that our foreign partners will continue to

extend their generous support and cooperation so as to

ease the transition challenges faced by my country.

In pursuing its foreign policy, based on the

continuity of a multi-pillar, open and proactive

approach, Mongolia will continue to develop and

expand its friendly relations with the Russian

Federation and the People's Republic of China on the

principles of good-neighbourliness, mutual benefit and

equality. My Government will accord high importance

to the further development of bilateral relations with

the industrialized nations, including the United States

8

of America, Japan, other Asian and Pacific countries

and members of the European Union. Their political,

moral and financial support will continue to play an

important role in facilitating our reform efforts. The

Mongolian Government will actively strive to

strengthen our traditional long-standing relations with

Eastern and Central European countries, as well as with

the developing countries of Asia and the Pacific, Latin

America and Africa.

Mongolia will continue its active participation in

multilateral processes and international organizations,

such as the United Nations, and will spare no effort to

ensure that the world Organization remains a focal

point for the coordination of the efforts of the

community of nations towards peace and development

in the years to come.