Liechtenstein, 2012

We are convening

in this Assembly at a time when we are witnessing a

worrisome phenomenon, namely, senseless violence

spreading through an entire region as a result of a

senseless offence to religious feelings. More than any

other organization, the United Nations stands for the

ideals of tolerance, understanding and mutual respect.

A strong message should therefore emerge from this

debate. The hateful slander of people on the basis of

their culture or religion is unacceptable. It is an abuse

of the right to freedom of expression. However, we

must emphasize just as clearly that violence cannot be

justified by insults, however understandable the outrage

may be. Such ongoing events also tell us that we must

reach many more people in our effort to promote the

values of the United Nations around the globe.

When we last met, a year ago, we heard many calls

from this rostrum to bring an end to the crisis in Syria.

Since then, the violence has turned into a civil war

that puts the United Nations to shame. We have seen

open division in the Security Council and little interest

by the parties to the conflict in a United Nations-led

mediation. Instead, the situation on the ground has

further escalated. The entire region is now threatened

with instability. The blatant disregard for the lives and

rights of civilians, of women and children in particular,

is simply shocking.

It is a crisis with profound and lasting effects for

the three main pillars of the United Nations: peace and

security, development, and human rights. It is therefore

also an existential challenge for this Organization. The

United Nations is only as effective as its political organs

allow it to be. The crisis must therefore make us think

in general terms about the lessons we should learn.

The situation in Syria is clearly of burning concern

to the membership as a whole as a human security crisis

and a threat to international peace and security. At the

same time, the Security Council is unable to carry out

its tasks under the Charter because of disagreement

among its permanent members. It is therefore essential

that the General Assembly step in and play a more

active role, as it has done on some occasions. That is

all the more important as we are confronted by the

failure to fulfil the responsibility to protect a civilian

population — a principle adopted in this Hall at the

highest political level.

The stalemate in the Council demonstrates that we

must look at the way in which the veto power is and can be used. In that respect, there must be accountability

vis-à-vis the membership of the Organization as a

whole. After all, the Council carries out its work on

behalf of us all. We call upon the permanent members

to acknowledge that the United Nations Charter does

not grant them the right to the veto without any strings

attached. We ask them to acknowledge that the Council

must at all times act in accordance with the purposes

and principles of the United Nations. We therefore

request that they pledge not to use the veto to block

Council action aimed at preventing or ending genocide,

crimes against humanity or war crimes.

Clearly, the main priority is to end the suffering of

the Syrian people and to bring about a political solution

that guarantees human security and stability for the

region. However, we also have an obligation to ensure

that there is no impunity for the worst crimes under

international law and that those who have the greatest

responsibility do not get away with murder.

The evidence before us is alarming. The independent

international commission of inquiry on the Syrian Arab

Republic, established by the Human Rights Council,

came to clear conclusions. The primary responsibility

to ensure accountability falls, of course, on the Syrian

judiciary. But we can be under no illusions as to whether

it will deliver justice to the victims and due process

to all accused. We therefore join Switzerland in the

call to the Council to refer the situation in Syria to the

International Criminal Court (ICC) (see A/67/PV.7).

But we also ask the Council to fully support such a

referral in order to ensure cooperation and not to put up

any obstacles to the appropriate financing of the Court’s

work. Without those two prerequisites, referrals are a

mixed blessing and problematic for the ICC.

This year, we also commemorate the tenth

anniversary of the International Criminal Court. We

are looking at the history of an astonishing success.

Who would have thought that the Court’s membership

would near two thirds of the membership of the United

Nations in such a short time? Who would have predicted

that the Security Council would make referrals to the

ICC on two occasions — once even by unanimous vote?

And who would have expected the Court to emerge

from political controversy as a stronger institution?

Those are remarkable achievements that we can be

proud of. Nevertheless, the next decade is also fraught

with challenges. We have been strongly united in

setting up the Court and getting it under way. Now that it is fully operational, we must more than ever support

it politically. I therefore launched a ministerial-level

initiative to support the ICC earlier this week. I was

very encouraged by the strong response to my call for

coordinated action when needed.

In adopting the Rome Statute, we have not just set

up an international tribunal located in The Hague. We

have also created a global system to fight impunity,

which assigns a strong role to States. It also offers

the Security Council an important role, if it chooses

to play it. Political support is particularly required

where investigations are based on referrals from

the Security Council. The obligation for the State in

question to cooperate is based entirely on the Security

Council’s authority, not on the Rome Statute. The

Council must therefore play a key role in ensuring that

such cooperation is forthcoming. We as States are also

responsible for ensuring that indicted individuals are

arrested and transferred to the Court. Clearly, we must

do better in that regard.

We are also being given a historic opportunity both

for the Court and for the United Nations: for the first

time since the end of the Second World War, we can

enable an international tribunal to prosecute the crime

of aggression.

The prohibition of the illegal use of force is at the

core of the Charter of the United Nations, and aggression

has been considered a crime under international law for

decades. But the consensual adoption of the Kampala

amendments to the Rome Statute allows us to put that

principle into practice. Leaders that consider resorting

to the illegal use of force will be put on notice, once

30 States parties have ratified the amendments and

once we have activated them in 2017. I am proud of the

fact that Liechtenstein, following its presidency of the

Review Conference, was the first State to ratify the

amendments, on 8 May this year. We chose the date

as a tribute to the commemoration of the end of the

Second World War in Europe. We have also launched

an initiative to support the ratification process that is

under way.

I would therefore encourage all current and future

parties to the Rome Statute to ratify the Kampala

amendments as soon as possible. Together we can take

this big step forward in the history of international law.

Criminalizing the illegal use of force between

States would be a very significant step forward in the

promotion of the rule of law at the international level. The rule of law is rightfully moving to the centre of

our attention. We have illustrated this fact by holding

a high-level meeting on this topic earlier this week.

The rule of law permeates many of the activities we

pursue here at the United Nations. Indeed, there can

be no lasting security, no sustainable development

and no effective protection of human rights without

the rule of law. We therefore look forward to a strong

rule-of-law dimension in the sustainable development

goals resulting from the United Nations Conference on

Sustainable Development.

The Conference resulted in a number of important

agreements. It also illustrated the value of inclusive and

transparent multilateralism, especially when compared

with other, more exclusive decision-making processes.

This serves as a reminder of the need to reconcile

seemingly competing interests in international

decision-making: transparency and inclusiveness on

the one side, and efficiency and effectiveness on the

other.

Multilateral decision-making is efficient when there

is sufficient political will. It is effective when it has the

legitimacy necessary to ensure full implementation.

We must revert to considering the universality and

openness of the General Assembly as key assets, not

as a weakness. The Assembly must reaffirm its unique

and central role in global governance, including in the

economic dimension. I welcome the strong commitment

of President Jeremić, expressed at the beginning of this

session, to work for genuine multilateralism and, to that

end, to reach a new level of engagement. I assure him of

our full support in this endeavour.

There must be accountability for decisions of global

impact before the Assembly or before other relevant

and universally accessible bodies. To achieve that aim,

we will build on the progress made in recent years in

the framework of the Global Governance Group. The

Group has become a trusted bridge-builder in these

matters. We hope that this issue will become one of the

highlights of Mr. Jeremić’s presidency.

Let me conclude with some remarks about an issue

that is particularly dear to my heart. I am convinced that

the inclusion of the whole population, men and women

alike, is essential to the stability and peaceful and

prosperous development of nations. Since becoming

Foreign Minister, I have tried to make use of the relevant

international platforms to promote the advancement women. I also hope to bring Liechtenstein’s expertise

and passion for women’s issues to the Commission on

the Status of Women during the term 2015-2019.

I am grateful to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon

for his leadership in this area. UN-Women, headed so

charismatically by Michelle Bachelet, has given a much-

needed additional boost to our efforts. If we continue

on our path, then the United Nations can be the decisive

driving force for gender equality worldwide. Until then,

we can and must do much more, in particular in the area

of women, peace and security. Stronger protection of

women, both legal and otherwise, in situations where

they are particularly prone to becoming victims is a key

component. The United Nations, with its very strong

field presence all over the world, can make a unique

contribution to that end. But most importantly, the

United Nations must lead by example when it comes

to gender equality and the advancement of women.

We must make the best use of their talents, skills and

experiences as peacemakers, as agents for sustainable

development and as advocates for human rights and the

rule of law. As is well known, the future is female.

Only when women are fully included will we, the

United Nations, be successful in pursuing our goals.