Lesotho, 1996

I wish to extend my

delegation’s sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your

election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its

fifty-first session. It is with great pleasure that I assure you

of Lesotho’s support and cooperation as you conduct the

deliberations of this body. Let me also take this opportunity

to pay special tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Diogo

Freitas do Amaral, for the skilful manner in which he

guided the work of the historic session of the General

Assembly last year. My delegation truly appreciates his

leadership and his tireless dedication to the heavy

responsibilities entrusted to him during the past year.

I also take this opportunity to express our satisfaction

with the sterling work that the Secretary-General,

Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, has been doing under the very

difficult conditions of reduced financial resources. Were it

not for his tenacity, our Organization would not have been

able to hold together as it has done.

The celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the

United Nations last year provided an opportunity for

reflection about the global mission of our Organization. We

retraced our past and took stock of the failures and notable

successes that the United Nations had engraved in the

historic record of half a century of its existence. We also

looked ahead with renewed determination, resolved to

create for mankind a future that would be brighter than the

past, amidst the euphoria of hope and expectation in the

new international order that is still emerging from the ashes

of the cold war.

Even as we did so, we were aware how great the

potential was for a relapse to the pitfalls of past years and

for the re-emergence of complacencies that could render

our new hopes and expectations vain and futile. A

deliberate effort is required on the part of the international

community to build on the past experiences of our

Organization and to identify and reinforce the positive

trends that the end of the cold war era has yielded.

The first half-century was characterized by cold-war

conflicts, the struggle against colonialism, the constant

threat of a nuclear holocaust and the fight against

apartheid. All these are either behind us or considerably

abated. Our attention must remain focused on how we can

give the twenty-first century a United Nations equipped

to serve as an effective instrument in the evolving global

environment for the attainment of the noble goals

enshrined in its Charter.

A universal consensus for the reform and

revitalization of the United Nations was highlighted in the

solemn Declaration that was adopted in this very Hall a

year ago by, inter alia, 128 world Heads of State and

Government. The momentum for the realization of that

aspiration and for the implementation of the commitments

that were made by the world community should not be

lost. The actions and the path that we have to take are

known to all of us.

We would like to see a more democratized United

Nations, whose credibility and legitimacy are enhanced by

the representativeness of its structures.

We have identified the need for measures to ensure

greater consultation between the Security Council and the

General Assembly, particularly on crisis situations, and

the need to restore the role and authority of the General

Assembly in the decision-making processes of our

Organization, without compromising the speed with which

the Security Council may take its decisions.

We have cautioned against regional selectivity in the

attention paid by our Organization to international crisis

situations and have advocated a demonstration of good

faith and the upholding of the principle of the sanctity of

human life in the enforcement of United Nations

resolutions.

We have also stood in favour of exploring a new,

balanced formula for equitable burden-sharing, as well as

for a renewed commitment on the part of all Member

States to fulfil their financial obligations to the United

Nations in full and on time, just as we have joined in the

call to effect economies and improve efficiency through

the transformation of the management techniques within

the United Nations system.

14

The events and experiences we have witnessed since

the last session of the Assembly once again present us with

mixed signals. On the one hand, we have seen a steady

expansion of the frontiers of peace, tolerance and

democracy, while, on the other, some problems that are

rooted in the past not only have persisted but have been

compounded by new challenges arising from the evolving

international environment.

Thanks to the efforts of the international community,

the carnage in the former Yugoslavia has been brought to

an end. However, a conscious effort is still required to give

permanence to the positive trends that are still evolving in

Bosnia and to suppress the ever present risk that the peace

dividends already gained can be reversed.

In the Middle East uncertainty and the new obstacles

that have emerged in the path of a negotiated peace have

thrown new doubts over the prospects for an early

restoration to the Palestinian people of their inalienable

right to self-determination and statehood. We appeal to both

Israel and the Palestinian Authority to adhere in good faith

to the provisions of the peace agreements they have

concluded and to implement them within the agreed time-

frame, pursuant to the Declaration of Principles they signed

in Washington in 1993.

The prerequisite for peace remains the withdrawal of

Israel and the cessation of the establishment of new Israeli

settlements in the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories,

in compliance with the resolutions of the United Nations.

In Western Sahara recent developments have

demonstrated that peace in that area remains elusive. How

long will the will of the Saharan people for self-

determination and independence be frustrated? The

withdrawal of the United Nations Mission for the

Referendum in Western Sahara in May of this year due to

the lack of cooperation by the parties raises a real prospect

for a resumption of violence. The international community

must act now to reverse the tragic trends and to persuade

the parties to cooperate in the implementation of the United

Nations plan for the independence of Western Sahara.

In Burundi, Liberia and Somalia the situation

regrettably continues to defy the efforts of the international

community to restore peace and stability. We appeal to the

international community to support the current initiatives

spearheaded by the Organization of African Unity and the

neighbouring countries of Burundi aimed at protecting

democracy in that country.

Lesotho shares Africa’s deep disappointment at the

demonstrable lack of interest on the part of the

international community in extending the necessary

material support to the Economic Community of West

African States (ECOWAS) Monitoring Group

(ECOMOG) countries that are engaged in the regional

peacekeeping effort in Liberia. This, regrettably, calls into

question the world’s commitment to the universality of

the sanctity of human life.

Despite the remaining hotbeds of instability,

fortunately all is not doom and gloom in Africa, even in

the area of conflict resolution. The major strides that have

been made in southern Africa to free the subregion of

conflicts is a source of great satisfaction. If the

momentum for peace is kept in Angola, there is no doubt

that a subregion long associated with conflicts will have

established durable peace and stability. The

implementation of the Lusaka Protocol — particularly the

establishment of a unified army and the formation of the

Government of National Unity — are within reach, and

with more concerted action by the international

community should soon be attained.

Throughout southern Africa, political stability, peace,

democracy and human rights continue to be deepened.

Multiparty general elections are being held, and other

political and constitutional reforms are being put in place

to ensure transparency and predictability, especially in the

electoral systems.

The establishment by the Southern African

Development Community of the Organ on Politics,

Defence and Security reaffirms the region’s resolve to

consolidate the gains that have been bequeathed by the

demise of apartheid and to face head-on the challenges of

peace and democracy.

These measures have contributed to the strong

performance registered by the national economies of

southern Africa in 1995, as well as to the improvement in

the overall investment climate of the region. We hope that

the international community will continue to assist

southern Africa in its reconstruction efforts, particularly

by encouraging the flow of private investment as a

contribution to the regional efforts for the economic

recovery of the subcontinent.

The past 12 months have presented the world with

great opportunities for the attainment of durable peace.

Yet, I regret to say, we have sometimes failed to take

advantage of them. A scourge that has stalked humankind

15

for the past 50 years has been the growth in the arsenal of

armaments, especially nuclear ones. Last year, in a historic

achievement, the nations of the world agreed to extend

indefinitely the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear

Weapons. In doing so they undertook to achieve a

comprehensive test-ban treaty by September of this year.

It is with unbounded joy that we are able to stand here

today and say that that goal has been attained. To be sure,

it was not attained with ease, but the fact that it was

achieved is a source of great encouragement that

humankind is slowly but surely moving towards the total

elimination of nuclear weapons. Although Lesotho shares

the view that the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty

(CTBT) that was adopted here in New York last month is

not perfect, we regard it as a giant step forward that will

serve to put the nuclear-weapon States on notice that the

rest of the international community is serious about its

aspiration to a nuclear-free world.

In spite of the fact that the cold war has ended and

that the START Treaties have been concluded, tens of

thousands of nuclear weapons are still deployed by nuclear

States, and there is a very real possibility that many more

States could develop such weapons.

Worldwide opposition to weapons of mass destruction

has resulted in Conventions banning biological and

chemical weapons, but as yet there are no concrete

proposals to negotiate a similar convention to outlaw

nuclear weapons. The fact that nuclear weapons are not

prohibited by convention weakens the willingness of many

non-nuclear States to abide by the Biological Weapons

Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention. These

States perceive an imbalance in the retention of certain

types of weapons of mass destruction by some States,

mostly States of the North, while other weapons of mass

destruction, often held by States of the South — are

banned.

Lesotho believes that the proliferation of nuclear-

weapons technology and the manufacture of nuclear

weapons constitute a very serious problem which the

international community cannot and must not ignore.

The fact that only a handful of people have been

brought to justice for the millions of crimes against

humanity and the serious violations of humanitarian law

committed since the end of the Second World War has not

altered the international community’s view that perpetrators

of international crimes should be tried and punished for

their acts. More recently, the growing global outrage against

international crimes has been demonstrated by the

creation of the two ad hoc International Tribunals for the

prosecution of crimes in the former Yugoslavia and in

Rwanda. These Tribunals were established by the Security

Council to have jurisdiction over the most heinous crimes

in the world: genocide, other crimes against humanity and

serious violations of humanitarian law.

It is therefore a matter of concern that since their

inception both Tribunals have been plagued by inadequate

and short-term financing and have not received adequate

budgets from this Assembly. It is also a matter of concern

that very few Member States have enacted legislation

permitting effective cooperation with the Tribunals.

The international community must send a clear

message to those who commit genocide and other crimes

against humanity that they cannot escape to fully account

for their actions before international law. We can do this

by providing the much-needed support and resources to

enable the ad hoc International Tribunals to bring to

justice those who are responsible for atrocities both in

Bosnia and in Rwanda.

Although Lesotho has not yet promulgated

implementation legislation for the Tribunals, it remains

committed to fully cooperating with the two Tribunals in

accordance with the provisions of Security Council

resolutions. We hope that the international community can

build on the experiences and the already noteworthy

success achieved by these Tribunals to pursue the project

of the establishment of a permanent international criminal

court.

While we recognize the important work of the

Preparatory Committee on the Establishment of an

International Criminal Court, we are of the view that the

General Assembly should enhance the Preparatory

Committee’s work by mandating it to begin serious

negotiations of a consolidated draft treaty based on the

International Law Commission’s 1994 draft statute. The

present momentum for the establishment of a permanent

international criminal tribunal should not be lost, but

should be matched by commensurate political will to

ensure that the work is completed in time for a

conference in 1998.

Development and the promotion of international

cooperation as enshrined in the Charter, will continue to

be the principal objectives of the United Nations. The

recently concluded mid-term review of the United Nations

New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s

16

has shown that many of the social and economic problems

which led to the adoption of the Agenda in 1991 still exist

and that poverty and unemployment in Africa are expected

to increase substantially. Furthermore, the estimated

resource mobilization levels in the Agenda are still far from

being attained.

Consequently, the mid-term review recommended that

African Governments should continue to promote, inter

alia, economic reforms, respect for human rights and

fundamental freedoms, good governance and administrative

reform. For their part, international partners should seek to

mobilize substantial new resources from all sources —

public and private — and from traditional and new sources,

to find a solution to Africa’s external debt problem and to

enhance Africa’s recovery through trade facilitation and

improved market access.

The United Nations System-wide Special Initiative for

Africa, which was launched by the Secretary-General in

March this year, promises to break new ground by assuring

the cooperation of the whole system, including the Bretton

Woods institutions, in tackling the intractable problem of

accelerating the development of the African continent.

While this expression of interest in our continent is

appreciated, we must also stress that the implementation of

the several initiatives currently on the table must be carried

out in very close consultation with the African countries

themselves, to avoid the duplication of efforts. The

Organization of African Unity’s Cairo Plan of Action is

relevant in this regard.

As we engage in this introspection one year after our

historic Declaration on the Occasion of the Fiftieth

Anniversary of the United Nations, it is pertinent to inquire

to what extent we are all fulfilling our commitment

undertaken during the various global conferences, all of

which — except the Vienna World Conference on Human

Rights — have a development dimension. Perhaps the one

that towers above all others in its significance for

alleviating the plight of citizens of least developed

countries, such as mine, is last year’s Copenhagen World

Summit for Social Development.

In Lesotho there is a serious effort to attain the target

of devoting 20 per cent of our budget to the health and

education sectors, but we have not witnessed a

corresponding commitment on the part of our development

partners, as was agreed at Copenhagen.

The Commission for Social Development has been

given the primary responsibility for the follow-up and

review of the implementation of the Copenhagen

Declaration and Programme of Action. Commitment 2 of

the Declaration and chapter II of the Programme of

Action both deal with the goal of poverty eradication. In

this connection, 1997 is a crucial year, being the first year

of the United Nations Decade for the Eradication of

Poverty.

By its resolution 50/161, the General Assembly

decided to hold a special session in the year 2000 for an

overall review and appraisal and of the implementation of

the World Summit for Social Development and to

consider further actions and initiatives. We support the

view that, to enable this to happen, the Commission

should meet annually, that the length of its sessions

should be extended and that its membership should be

increased.

Measures to ensure that women have the same

degree of access as men to economic resources and

opportunities are of equal importance for the attainment

of economic progress. Poverty can be eradicated only

through the empowerment of the poor. United Nations

efforts should therefore be coordinated in such a manner

that all its activities for poverty eradication fully take into

account the gender perspective.

The ratification of the Convention on the Elimination

of All Forms of Discrimination against Women was

supposed to be followed by the revision of all laws that

act as an impediment to the social and economic

advancement of women. In Lesotho this goal, although

not yet reached, is still being actively pursued.

Lesotho has joined the other countries of southern

Africa in signing two Protocols to the Southern African

Development Community (SADC) Treaty recently, one of

which deals with politics, defence and security and the

other with cooperation in combating transboundary crime,

especially trafficking in narcotics and money-laundering.

A central element of the Protocol establishing an

Organ on Politics, Defence and Security is the

commitment to work for the protection and promotion of

human rights in the region. Our endeavours in this regard

are intended to reinforce the United Nations own

programmes.

The increase in crime, particularly transnational

crime, has a considerable effect on the economies of

17

many countries. New worldwide strategies are therefore

urgently needed for combating this malaise. However,

developing countries cannot bear the economic burden of

combating transnational crime by themselves. Technical

cooperation and assistance activities to develop the

criminal-justice capacities of developing countries should

therefore be accorded a high priority.

The activities of the Crime Prevention and Criminal

Justice Division — particularly its training courses,

seminars and workshops for criminal-justice personnel —

are to be commended.

Let me conclude by observing that together we have

the capacity to make the United Nations of the next

century a veritable instrument for meeting mankind’s

aspirations for a better world in all respects. In our

interdependent world, the United Nations has to become

an efficient working forum for searching for universal

consensus, a conscious regulator of the integration

processes and a vehicle for establishing a stable world

order.

We have deep confidence in the potential of the joint

efforts of the entire international community in its

capability to enter the twenty-first century in an

atmosphere of peace, development and joint creative

work, and to provide comprehensive security for all, as is

called for by the priority interests of humankind.