General Debate, session 52

Jamaica, 1997

Speaker
Percival James Patterson 3 statements
Post
Prime Minister
Session
52th, 1997
Member state
Jamaica
Length
2,780 words

Statement as recorded

Mr. President, your

election to preside over the fifty-second session of the

General Assembly is a fitting and well-deserved result of

your distinguished service for your country in the

international community.

I also wish to convey our appreciation to

Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia for so ably

directing the work of the fifty-first session, and to

congratulate him for a job well done.

I join those who have spoken before me in

welcoming the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan to this,

his first General Assembly session since his assumption

of office. Already he has impressed us with his sincerity

of purpose and his willingness to take bold initiatives. He

can always rely on Jamaica’s full cooperation and support

4

as he seeks to steer the United Nations towards the new

millennium.

Exactly 35 years ago, Jamaica became a Member of

the United Nations by one of its first acts as a sovereign

nation. We did so in recognition of the central role in the

management of global affairs which only the United

Nations can fill and from our desire to participate as an

equal partner in that process. Ever since then, Jamaica has

actively sought to contribute in a constructive spirit to the

building and strengthening of the international system. One

concrete result of these efforts is the location in Jamaica of

an offshoot of the system, the International Seabed

Authority, established under the United Nations Convention

on the Law of the Sea, which is generally acknowledged to

have been a signal achievement in extending the reach of

international cooperation. We feel confident that the

Authority will be able to discharge its mandate efficiently

as a completely autonomous institution.

We are constantly reminded that we are approaching

a new century and a new millennium. This new era

provides exciting possibilities and, at the same time, poses

formidable challenges. It requires of us a creative effort to

find new directions and a continuing search for fresh

solutions. The fluidity and changing currents in world

affairs demand constant adaptation and adjustments to meet

contemporary realities.

Some old disputes remain unresolved, and an array of

new problems continues to enter the international agenda.

The situation in the Middle East should not be allowed to

remain forever a source of anxiety and frustration. The rise

of ethnic violence and intercommunal conflict must be

halted now.

Whatever cloud of uncertainty may hang over the

future, we must not fail to lay the foundations of a more

stable and equitable world order which fosters greater hope

and wider opportunities for mankind.

As we seek to strengthen the fabric of international

security, there needs to be a concentrated focus on the root

causes of instability, conflict and confrontation everywhere.

The danger signals are unmistakably clear. The coexistence

of a world of wealth and prosperity and a world of poverty

and misery is too profound a contradiction to be ignored. It

lies at the heart of an emerging crisis. More than one

billion human beings are still condemned to abject poverty.

The despair and frustration which form their daily

experience breed tension and trigger instability which are

bound to erupt from time to time.

In a world where we note with increasing concern

the absence of appropriate measures by multilateral

financial institutions to relieve the burden of debt, we are

bound to question whether the economic measures applied

in the last few years represent the only way for

developing countries to orient their economies. We cannot

accept that the impoverishment of millions is a necessary

cost of future world growth.

Globalization and liberalization, which have led to

the breaking down of so many barriers between nations,

are not removing the barriers between rich and poor. The

process seems instead to be widening the differences and

deepening the divide. The benefits of increased production

and the expansion of global trade have been unevenly

spread. Many developing countries are being increasingly

marginalized in the process. Expected transfers of

resources from increased trade and investment flows have

not materialized, while the burden of debt remains a

major constraint on development. Simply put, the rich are

getting richer and the poor are getting poorer.

Unless we redress the imbalance — and quickly —

the disparities will increase exponentially. To avert

imminent disaster, there has to be a reversal of the pattern

of transfer of technology and more liberal access to the

markets of developed countries.

In all this, the United Nations has a decisive and

strategic role to play. It should direct and channel

international cooperation to correct distortions and

inequities in the system, and contribute to the creation of

an international economic environment facilitating

economic growth and the benefits of development for all.

The new trading system is skewed in favour of the

economically powerful. It is becoming more and more

apparent that free trade, as practised by its loudest

advocates, is not necessarily fair trade. For developing

countries, access to larger markets remains difficult,

owing to a variety of protective barriers. And where

special and historical market arrangements for small

producers still exist, these are now under threat from

alliances of powerful governmental and private interests.

We developing countries cannot afford to shut

ourselves off from what is taking place around us. The

pace of change is at times bewildering, but we cannot

say, “Stop the world, I want to get off”. We must make

use of the positive elements of modernity, organization of

work and efficiency, to build the kind of society we wish

to leave to our children. The empowerment of all of the

5

peoples of our countries is of paramount importance to the

advancement of our societies.

Such empowerment requires that priority attention be

given to human-resource development and human-capital

formation, and to the optimal utilization of all the available

human and natural resources of our time. Increasingly,

where this has not already started, our programmes of

education and training will have to be redesigned and

refocused to enable our peoples to function effectively in

the emerging knowledge-based world economy.

Applications of science and technology and advances in

telecommunications must become all-pervasive factors to be

effectively and appropriately utilized for the benefit of our

peoples.

Nothing would better fulfil the lofty ideals of our

founding fathers than an immediate global assault on

poverty, ignorance and disease. To win the battle, I call

upon this Assembly to emphasize the creation, application

and dissemination of knowledge in every corner of the

Earth.

Liberalization and globalization, as they are being

practised, have not shown the capacity or willingness to

take into account the genuine interests or practical

possibilities of small States. This is the painful lesson that

we as Caribbean producers of bananas have learned. The

recent panel ruling by the World Trade Organization

(WTO) in Geneva on the European banana regime threatens

to ruin the economies of the smaller States of the

Caribbean, thereby endangering the economic stability of

the entire region. It demonstrates not only the vulnerability

of small economies, but also the extent to which we are at

the mercy of those whose calculations seem oblivious to the

interests of our survival.

Small economies operate under severe resource

constraints and need to conserve the natural environment,

which is a precious resource. That is why countries

members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) attach

special importance to international recognition of the

peculiar circumstances and needs of small island developing

States, as highlighted in the Barbados Programme of

Action, which was adopted by the United Nations Global

Conference on the Sustainable Development of Small Island

Developing States.

It is with great disappointment that we note how little

progress has been made to implement the Programme of

Action. There is a special need for financing arrangements

to develop production capabilities, infrastructure and

environmental protection programmes.

Small island States suffer other disadvantages. The

Caribbean is renowned for its natural beauty, but it is also

vulnerable to a range of frequent natural disasters. To the

physical limitations in resources and economic scale have

been added the hazards of nature.

Even as I speak, the people of the small island of

Montserrat are struggling to maintain their existence in

their own land, two thirds of which has been destroyed by

a volcano that resumed activity just over two years ago.

As a member of the Caribbean Community, Montserrat's

plight is of grave concern to all CARICOM States. I

speak on behalf of the Community in acknowledging the

categorical commitment given by the administering

Power, the United Kingdom, for both emergency

assistance to Montserratians and for the sustainable

development of that territory.

The costs of reconstruction are immense. Members

of the Caribbean Community have offered constructive

support to the recovery efforts. We believe that the

international community should also respond in a

humanitarian gesture of solidarity. I therefore take this

opportunity to appeal to the General Assembly to

demonstrate appropriate support for Montserrat through

the adoption of tangible measures to assist in the

rebuilding and sustainable development of that island. It

is our hope and expectation that the membership of the

United Nations will be able to devise a specific scheme

of assistance for a small and courageous people.

We all look to the United Nations to help in

emergencies, but above all, to be effective in keeping the

peace. It should be ready to respond promptly to crises as

they occur and to defuse tensions and conflict situations

through preventive diplomacy. We believe the present

time affords a significant opportunity for creating the

framework to fulfil this role and for us to shape a rapid-

response capability.

In recent years, a number of unilateral as well as

multilateral measures have resulted in a more positive

climate for international peace and security. The

conclusion of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban

Treaty at the fiftieth session of the General Assembly and

the entry into force of the Chemical Weapons Convention

have enhanced the prospects for real progress towards the

goal of general and complete disarmament. We

nevertheless acknowledge that more needs to be done in

6

the areas of arms regulation and disarmament, in respect

especially of conventional weapons and the proliferation of

small arms.

We welcome the steps being taken to prohibit the use

of anti-personnel landmines, which should be regarded as

a category of inhumane weapons that can no longer be

allowed to cause the maiming and loss of life of civilians.

We urge Member States to give full support to the Ottawa

process for the conclusion of an international treaty to ban

this category of weapons so that there can be universal

obedience.

The threat to international peace and security can no

longer be viewed in purely military and political terms.

Illicit trafficking in drugs poses a serious threat, as all

too often we witness the pervasive and pernicious effects of

the production and consumption of illicit drugs. The

massive demand and the lure of profits from the trade have

spawned a transnational network of criminals with

considerable resources and influence. The activities of these

groups are particularly threatening to small States such as

those in the Caribbean, where the State apparatus is often

stretched to deal with their coercive capability. Within the

Caribbean Community we have taken these threats seriously

and have committed significant resources to confronting

them. Our geographical proximity to the major destination

for the consumption of drugs makes the Caribbean

particularly vulnerable as a transshipment point. We

therefore view bilateral and regional cooperation as critical

to combating drug smuggling.

An associated problem that is particularly dangerous

for us is the smuggling of arms and weapons of destruction,

which is a significant factor in spreading a cycle of crime

and violence. CARICOM has pushed for a regional

initiative to attack this problem. We look forward to

hemisphere support, particularly in restricting illegal exports

from the main areas of manufacturing and sale of small

arms.

It is evident from all the forces at work that the

imperatives of interdependence, the impact of globalization

and the interlinkage in global problems require a renewal

and strengthening of multilateralism. With the end of the

cold war, we now have within our grasp the opportunity to

establish a lasting framework for international cooperation

and to build genuine partnerships that will guarantee a

future that is secure for all. The challenges of the emerging

world order are best addressed by multilateral approaches.

Isolationism and unilateralism cannot be viable options, but

multilateralism can thrive only if there are effective

multilateral institutions.

The United Nations remains indispensable as the

only universal mechanism capable of addressing issues of

global impact and concern. But we must realize that the

international society which the United Nations now serves

is vastly different from the one in existence when the

Organization was originally created. The reshaping of the

United Nations therefore has to take into account new and

complex international realities. Without compromising the

fundamental objectives of the Charter, we need new rules

and procedures to guide us.

Of special importance is the reform of the Security

Council, in terms of both composition and mode of

operation. The Council is a vital organ in the working of

the United Nations. It is essential for its effectiveness that

it command the confidence of the international

community.

Jamaica supports an expansion of membership of the

Council which will make it more representative of the

international community. We advocate the adoption of

procedures that will make it more democratic and

transparent in decision-making. We recognize that there

are important and delicate issues at stake and that we

should proceed with care, but we have a concern that the

process should not be mired in endless debate. We

believe there is a sufficient consensus on proposals to

form the basis for decisions soon.

We also acknowledge that more efficient

management and more scope for effective initiative by the

Secretary-General and his staff are essential to a

strengthened United Nations structure. We support the

Secretary-General in this endeavour.

Jamaica also endorses the need for measures to

improve efficiency, and we have no quarrel with reform

to streamline and rationalize the system. In welcoming

these steps, we must however emphasize that reform is

not synonymous with cost cutting. Reform is not about

doing less; it is about doing better.

We would therefore wish to see a process that

strengthens the capacity of the United Nations to deliver

the services required by Member States as well as cement

the linkages among the organs of the system while

preserving comparative advantages, complementarities and

synergies. The exercise must improve the capacity of the

United Nations to take preventive action and respond

7

swiftly to crises. Above all, for small developing nations

such as my own it is important that the Organization

continue to play a leadership role in defining global

development priorities.

Not all Member States will readily embrace the reform

proposals that have been introduced, yet no one can deny

the need for meaningful action to strengthen and improve

the United Nations system. We must therefore seek to find

common cause and summon the collective will to

implement the measures that are necessary for its

revitalization. It is our collective responsibility. Effective

reform of our global institution requires broad agreement on

the main features of the new global environment. We must

clearly define the role the United Nations is expected to

play in the next millennium. Our common vision must be

one in which the United Nations can act as the catalyst for

change and an instrument of progress on behalf of all

peoples of the world.

Let us resolve to equip the United Nations with the

necessary tools, including the requisite financial resources

in accordance with Charter obligations, to enable it

effectively to undertake its leadership role in safeguarding

international peace and security in ensuring the economic

and social well-being of mankind. It is our responsibility,

and our peoples are looking for an institution energized to

act effectively and swiftly to address the challenges that

confront us as we approach the twenty-first century. Let us

exploit the opportunity we now have to fashion a United

Nations which reflects the hope and aspirations of all

mankind for sustainable development, for lasting security

and for enduring peace.

The new millennium beckons with its endless

possibilities and challenges. Let not narrow self-interest

prevent us from taking bold and decisive steps to meet

these challenges. Jamaica and the Caribbean Community

stand ready to play their part in a cooperative effort to

attain global equity and prosperity. All of us owe it to

ourselves and to succeeding generations.

I urge the international community wholeheartedly to

embrace this venture in a genuine spirit of solidarity and

harmony. History will not forgive us should we fail to do

so.

United Nations official records are in the public domain worldwide under administrative instruction ST/AI/189/Add.9/Rev.2.

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