Ivory Coast, 1998

Allow me, Mr. President, to offer you my

warmest congratulations on your unanimous election to

guide the work of the fifty-third session of the General

Assembly. The honour bestowed upon you attests to the

good relations which your country, Uruguay, has forged

over the decades with the nations that make up the

international community. The noble task which awaits

you, far from being merely prestigious or simply one of

protocol, frequently proves to be both delicate and

difficult.

It involves presiding over the most eminent forum of

debate for world affairs during a period in which, in

various places, one crisis follows another, such that

around the world neither peace nor war prevails. I am

convinced that your talents as a diplomat, your passion

for peace and development and your enthusiasm will

33

serve you well in dealing with the most complex debates

and the most tangled webs of procedure. Rest assured that

our best wishes will be with you throughout this session,

which, we feel sure, under your expert presidency, will be

crowned with success.

I wish also to pay tribute to your predecessor, H. E.

Hennadiy Udovenko of Ukraine, for the remarkable way in

which he guided our work in the last session and for the

personal touch with which he ensured and improved

coordination between the main bodies of the United

Nations. We feel certain that in his parliamentary career in

his country he will display the same efficiency and skill he

showed in this forum. Finally, allow me to pay an emphatic

tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, who,

through his tireless commitment, has been able to restore

confidence in our Organization and make it an

incomparable instrument for international relations.

I wish to hail his efforts to bring peace to the world,

and particularly to Africa, and the special attention he gives

to the economic and political situation on our continent. I

also wish to take this opportunity, on behalf of my

delegation, to congratulate him sincerely on his excellent

report on the work of the Organization, the clarity and

conciseness of which will be very useful in inspiring our

debate during the fifty-third session.

During the past year, the world has entered a phase of

difficulties and uncertainties such as it had not seen for

almost a decade. The crisis born in the most dynamic

economies of South-East Asia has gradually reached other

regions. Today it seems to threaten all the countries of the

planet, from the richest to the poorest.

This shows very well the extent to which the

phenomena of globalization and interdependence among

States and peoples have spread. No country, no matter how

prosperous, can now hope to escape a crisis such as the one

South-East Asia has suffered and continues to suffer which

now threatens other regions. This shows that the fight for

development and the struggle against poverty concern all of

us.

Emergent economies, which are paying the price of a

crisis that, over these last months, has thrown tens of

millions of people back into poverty and insecurity, are

integral parts of a sort of a global economic and financial

puzzle. The jolts these economies are experiencing weaken

the whole system.

This risk, which everyone can see is real, should

lead us to reconsider our traditional notion of the division

between countries of the North and of the South. We

should not, of course, ignore here the gulf between North

and South or challenge the existence of the distinct forms

of poverty that make for starkly different conditions of

existence, and even survival, for the most destitute

peoples of the industrialized countries and those of the

developing countries.

What, on the other hand, is more and more

questionable with the advance of globalization is the idea

of a possible divergence of destinies, which could lead

some countries — the wealthiest — to continue their

march forward, while leaving the poor ones “along the

side of the road”, to quote a popular phrase.

The crisis we have been witnessing for a year now

should convince us that there is a common destiny which

binds together all Governments and all peoples of the

planet. The latter, whether they are richer or poorer, are

bound by the same necessity — that of progressing

together along the path of development. The current crisis

shows us another vital need — that of solidarity, for

which multilateral cooperation is the prime instrument.

The United Nations must once again become the natural

vehicle of this multilateral cooperation. Unfortunately, we

must note that this notion of solidarity, which has become

an agreed formula in official declarations, is acted upon

less and less in any concrete way.

We recall the famous objective — which a few

decades ago seemed quite modest — of establishing the

desirable level of official development assistance at 0.7

per cent of gross national product of industrialized

countries. In noting, as the Secretary-General has done in

his report on the work of the Organization, that official

development assistance has been steadily decreasing for

a decade and today represents only 0.22 per cent of the

gross national product of industrialized countries, we must

recognize that this call for solidarity is reaching

increasingly deaf ears in international forums.

Along the same lines, I would like to stress that the

strategies for development debated and agreed among

Governments, as well as the decisions adopted at the

major United Nations conferences, so far have not been

implemented to the desired extent, due to insufficient

financing. The mid-term evaluation of the outcome of the

Rio Conference on Environment and Development was in

this respect quite revealing of the present financial limits

for aid to development. An effort commensurate with the

34

problem would allow us to radically change its basic

elements.

The 1998 Human Development Report, published by

the United Nations Development Programme a few weeks

ago, makes some significant comparisons. It shows, for

example, that Americans annually spend $8 billion on

cosmetics — $2 billion more than the amount needed to

finance basic education for a large part of the world

population. To quote the Secretary-Generalâs report on the

work of the Organization,

“a bridge must be constructed between, in effect, the

Dow Jones index and the human development index”

(A/53/1, para. 15).

We expect also that a new drive towards cooperation

and development will not only combat poverty and

exclusion but also promote international peace and security.

Conflicts frequently have social and economic roots,

and this dimension should be fully integrated into the

approaches devised by the international community in the

areas of conflict prevention, peacekeeping and post-conflict

peace-building.

I wish to reiterate, and express the support of Côte

dâIvoire for, the proposal made by the Secretary-General in

paragraph 30 of his report on the work of the Organization

to better use the possibilities of Article 65 of the Charter of

the United Nations, which provides that the Economic and

Social Council may furnish information to the Security

Council upon a request from the latter.

With the exception of very limited applications in

1949 and 1959, this provision of the Charter has not been

invoked. Because it is based on fraternity, dignity and

equality between peoples and States, solidarity needs to be

the cardinal value in the new world that is emerging from

the ideological battlefields of the past.

Progress in communications technology has today

brought people closer than ever. Stepping outside of their

own cultures, men and women can experience the same

events at the very same moment. They are upset and

shocked by the pictures and consequences of a natural

disaster or a terrorist attack. They are impassioned by the

same sports events and are reduced to tears by exceptional

events such as the liberation of Nelson Mandela or the fall

of the Berlin Wall, which give true ethical significance to

the evolution of humankind.

During the past decade, we have witnessed

spectacular progress, in almost all countries, with respect

to the positive values that cement solidarity between

peoples. Almost all societies are now open and receptive

to pluralism. Every day I see that the peoples of the

African continent are hungering for participation. They

wish to have their say in national matters and to take their

future into their own hands.

Throughout the world, civil society is making its

claims and aspirations felt. Everywhere Governments, to

varying degrees, are becoming aware of this extraordinary

change and, in the context of diverse political formulas

and variable schedules, they are acceding to the demands

of the people with respect to democratization.

This new global focus on human rights and

pluralism is reflected increasingly in the international

order. Buttressed by the non-governmental organizations,

Governments have decided to ban barbaric weapons such

as anti-personnel landmines, whose principal victims are

civilians, especially children. The broad and massive

support given by the international community to the

Ottawa Convention on the Prohibition of the Use,

Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel

Mines and on Their Destruction, which has been signed

by 128 States and which will enter into force after the

deposit by the fortieth State of its instrument of

ratification, allows us to hope for success in the efforts

undertaken to fight against another scourge — small arms

and small-calibre weapons — which affects mainly

civilians and foster criminality and insecurity.

Global progress on the ethical level is evident also

in the adoption in July 1998 of the Statute of the

International Criminal Court, thus enshrining the progress

begun by the international criminal tribunals for the

former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda. In this respect, the

first judgments, handed down on 2 September last, have

a dual significance. Fifty years after its adoption by the

General Assembly, the Convention on the Prevention and

Punishment of Genocide has now seen a concrete

continuance: the appalling crime of genocide, repeatedly

carried out since 1945, will no longer go unpunished. The

second positive element of the judgments rendered by the

Arusha Tribunal is the recognition that sexual violence

committed systematically and on a broad scale in the

context of conflicts meets the definition of the crime of

genocide.

Another concern for my Government is the scourge

of terrorism, a true hydra-headed menace that is blindly

35

attacking in places where we least expect it. It is no longer

enough to forcefully condemn this evil; we must try to

extirpate its roots as it stems, with rare exceptions, from

injustice or the intolerable humiliation of peoples. The fight

against terrorism is first and foremost a fight against

injustice in all its forms. Côte dâIvoire reiterates its

sympathy for those States that have fallen victim to bomb

attacks. It reasserts its commitment to work in the context

of cooperation with all States to eradicate these crimes,

which cannot be justified regardless of their motivation.

The time has come, as was stated at the Non-Aligned

Movement Summit in Durban, to convene an international

conference dealing with all aspects of terrorism that would

lead to a convention allowing us to eradicate this scourge.

To strengthen cooperation for development and

promote democratization and pluralism are the two focal

points for the action which the international community

should take in order to allow peace and security to

progress, which is the fundamental mission of our

Organization.

This concern falls in line perfectly with the objectives

of the Government of Côte dâIvoire, which, under the

leadership of our President, Henri Konan Bédié, is

committed to relaunching strong, sound and lasting

economic growth and to forge, in a spirit of solidarity, a

more united, homogenous society based on participatory,

peaceful democracy.

At the political level, the cabinet reshuffle that took

place on 11 August last resulted in greater openness and in

new political blood. At the institutional level, several

measures were adopted aimed at broadening and deepening

the regionalization and decentralization process.

Moreover, constitutional reform is being undertaken in

order to establish the rule of law, to consolidate State

structures and strengthen representative democracy. The

latter has given rise to the creation of a Senate, which will

help us to strengthen the democratic debate and give us a

more balanced representation of the regions.

At the economic level, let me stress that in 1997 —

and for the third consecutive year — the rate of growth of

our countryâs gross national product was 7 per cent. That

rate, I would underscore, is higher than the demographic

rate of growth of 3.8 per cent. Inflation was controlled at

5 per cent in 1997, whereas the rate of investment was 15

per cent of the gross national product, 70 per cent of which

was private investment.

It is noteworthy that the management of the Alliance

for Africaâs Industrialization, which held its first meeting

on 17 and 18 September last in Abidjan, reaffirmed that

industrialization is a necessity for the economic progress

of Africa and is the only means of transforming its

economy in order to integrate it positively into the current

context of globalization.

Africa will continue to rely for its industrial

development on its partners from friendly countries. We

wish here to welcome the initiative of the Government of

the United States on partnership and economic growth in

Africa which aims particularly to allow a number of

American products access to the American market.

We wish also to express our gratitude to the

Government of Japan for its continuing commitment to

the development of Africa, as evidenced by the upcoming

International Conference on African Development

(TICAD II), set to take place in Tokyo in October.

We also wish to congratulate and thank all the

Governments of the donor countries that have forgiven

debts to the African countries, especially the least

developed ones.

On the social level, I wish to take a moment to

mention some points relating to health, a vital element in

socio-economic development. Action in the field of

health, as the Assembly knows, contributes effectively to

the fight against poverty. Côte dâIvoire has therefore

made this an absolute priority for several decades. Aware

that our world has become a global village, we have

tirelessly pursued these efforts within our country, while

putting more and more effort into the promotion of health

at the international level.

Several important recent events prove this

commitment: the participation of President Henri Konan

Bédié as the representative of our continent at the fiftieth

anniversary of the World Health Organization (WHO); the

adoption by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) last

June of two resolutions proposed by Côte dâIvoire, one

relating to the African fund to combat AIDS and the other

on the African initiative to fight against malaria; and the

launching of the initiative on anti-retrovirus treatments,

for which Côte dâIvoire has been selected as one of the

countries participating in the experimental phase. In order

to better mark our commitment to the success of this

programme, we have decided to allocate the sum of

$1 million to it.

36

Moreover, Côte dâIvoire organized a regional meeting,

attended by the Presidents of Benin and Ghana, to promote

public awareness of, and the struggle against, Buruliâs

ulcer, a little-known but degrading and destructive illness.

The multiplicity of conflict situations in Africa has

become a real subject of concern for the entire international

community. Hence the Security Council met on 25

September 1997 at Foreign Minister level to consider the

need for concerted international action to promote peace

and security in Africa. At the end of that meeting, the

Council asked the Secretary-General to submit to it by

February 1998 a report containing concrete

recommendations regarding the sources of conflict in

Africa, way to prevent and address them, and how to lay

the foundation for durable peace and economic growth.

In response to this Security Council request, the

Secretary-General prepared an excellent report entitled “The

causes of conflict and the promotion of durable peace and

sustainable development in Africa” (S/1998/318), which

gives a straightforward assessment of the political and

economic situation in Africa and makes objective

recommendations, while indicating the mistakes made by

African leaders and the shortcomings in international

cooperation in this area.

The report essentially always takes us back to the

primary mission of our Organization: the maintenance of

peace, and the principal instrument for this, which is

collective security. The latter remains at the heart of the

United Nations Charter. The original idea, it should be

remembered, was that in the modern world, any conflict,

whether regional or local, could affect the whole of

international society, and that through alliances and

interventions it could well spread, with all the devastating

consequences imaginable.

It is in order to guard against these situations and to

provide every means to react to them that the 1945 Charter,

in Chapter VII, takes account of the regional character of

collective security. The regional mechanism is intended to

provide continuity and to strengthen the action of the

international community in the maintenance of peace,

without in any way challenging the primary role of the

Security Council, which, duly informed of the initiatives

undertaken by States bound by regional agreements, is the

only body which can authorize the use of force.

It is in this spirit, and always taking care to refer first

to the Security Council, that the system of regional security

has always functioned, be it in Africa or in Europe, even

though with the involvement of the Atlantic Alliance in

the former Yugoslavia the situation was somewhat

different.

The end of the cold war, with a backdrop of change

in the general international security situation and an

increasing will by the great Powers to limit themselves to

interventions in the context of the United Nations, has

undoubtedly contributed to the reactivation of regional

security. What was at stake, we must agree, was the very

survival of certain regions of the world, prey to violent

upheavals and mostly abandoned to their own fate.

Regrettably, this is the picture which we see in an Africa

torn apart by conflicts whose scope and gravity the

international community does not always grasp.

These are the realities which were in the minds of

Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Defence, the Interior and

Security of the Economic Community of West African

States (ECOWAS) when they met recently in

Yamoussoukro, Côte dâIvoire, and then in Banjul,

Gambia, to lay the foundations of a mechanism for the

prevention, management and resolution of conflicts and

for the maintenance of peace and security. The resulting

text, reached by consensus at the level of experts, will

soon be submitted for adoption by the conference of

heads of State and Government scheduled for the end of

October in Abuja.

West Africa has plenty of experience in this

connection, since in recent years it has had to mobilize

twice in order to settle two bloody conflicts in Liberia,

followed by Sierra Leone, and has thus acquired

considerable resources under the flag of the ECOWAS

Monitoring Group (ECOMOG). The success of the

organization in carrying out such interventions prompted

it to institutionalize ECOMOG as its armed mechanism,

which is mainly preventive. This is a big step forward for

ECOWAS, originally created as a specialized subregional

organization with the goal of promoting economic

cooperation and eventually the integration of its member

States.

This subregional mechanism will of course become

part of the general system of the United Nations Charter

and the regional system of OAU. It will cover all aspects

of security, including natural disasters. Political

considerations cannot be forgotten, for experience has

shown that conflicts may well lead to the decay of

governmental institutions, the economy and social and

political institutions.

37

Under these circumstances, any intervention strategy

is designed first and foremost to deal with disarmament,

demobilization and the reintegration of combatants or

displaced persons, as well as the rehabilitation of

infrastructures and above all the reconstruction of society,

with democracy as the key word.

All in all, member States believed that it was precisely

because it was conceived for development and economic

integration that ECOWAS was particularly suited to

undertake peace-building in the region. The implementation

of the mechanism will depend above all upon the political

will of member States. For its part, Côte dâIvoire will be

involved, as it was in the quest for peace in Liberia and

Sierra Leone, and as it is now in the case of mediation to

bring peace back to Guinea-Bissau.

I should like to take this opportunity to thank and

congratulate the Governments of the United States of

America, France and Great Britain for deciding to

harmonize their various initiatives to assist our armies in

order to enhance our peacekeeping capabilities.

In this connection, I am happy that we are

commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of the first

peacekeeping operation in 1948, and I pay tribute to the

memory of all the men and women who have given their

lives in the service of the United Nations.

Assuring collective security in the context of credible

international cooperation and guaranteeing fair, sustainable

development is an ongoing challenge to the United Nations;

it must urgently provide appropriate, concrete answers.

In this regard, I believe that our action must be

conducted on three very distinct fronts.

In the first place, we must firmly recall, whenever

necessary, the fundamental principles proclaimed by the

San Francisco Charter concerning relations between States,

and in particular the independence and territorial integrity

of Member States of the United Nations. Since the end of

the cold war, conflicts between States have almost entirely

disappeared, and that fully reflects the legal force of the

principles I have just mentioned.

Let me stress that in Africa the principle of the

inviolability of borders is of capital importance, as the

OAU has emphasized since its establishment. The

upheavals in the Great Lakes region must be settled in

accordance with this principle.

Secondly, it is necessary to discourage and ban from

international society those regimes which violate the most

elementary principles of democracy.

Finally, it is vital to enhance international peace by

a clear delineation of the responsibilities of the United

Nations and regional organizations. In this connection, we

would like to note and hail the complementarity and

harmony of efforts made, within the context of the United

Nations, by the Non-Aligned Movement, the OAU and

the Southern African Development Community (SADC),

in order to put an end to the new crisis besetting the

Democratic Republic of the Congo. Their combined

forces have secured the return to stability of several West

African countries.

Here, I would like to salute in particular the action

of ECOWAS and its military component, ECOMOG, and

invite the international community to provide them with

every possible support necessary for the accomplishment

of their mission. This interaction between the world

Organization and regional organizations must be further

strengthened in the future.

In conclusion, I would like briefly to mention the

veritable “sea serpent” of the process of reforming the

United Nations and the United Nations system and to

express a certain disappointment at the very limited

results we have achieved after several years of effort. The

question of restructuring the Security Council seems to be

at a standstill, even though, in almost ritual fashion, at

one session after another we renew the mandate of the

Working Group charged with reaching an agreement

acceptable to all Member States.

As for the excellent reform programme that the

Secretary-General presented to us last year, it has

certainly been very positively received, but we have

postponed certain decisions that are ours alone to make

with regard to certain of his suggestions and

recommendations. I hope that the present session of the

General Assembly will enable us to enrich our thinking

on reform and finally move on to action in this sphere.