Iraq, 1997

It

gives me great pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on your

election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its

fifty-second session. I am confident that your extensive

experience and extreme competence will positively

contribute to the successful conduct of the proceedings of

this session. I would like to assure you that the Iraqi

delegation will do its best to cooperate with you and with

your colleagues in discharging your responsibilities to bring

the proceedings of this session to a successful conclusion.

I would like also to pay tribute to your predecessor,

Mr. Razali Ismail, for the incessant and sincere efforts

which he made to crown the proceedings of the last session

with success. He has earned our appreciation.

The success of the United Nations in the exercise of

its desired role depends primarily on the proper application

of the principles and provisions of the Charter, because it

is the only instrument that can achieve the goals for which

this Organization was established: the endeavour to achieve

an international community based on respect for the

sovereignty, freedom and independence of peoples and their

empowerment to achieve their goals of economic and social

development.

The reform of the United Nations structures and

mechanisms in a proper way that ensures justice to all

Member States and geographical groups will enable it to

discharge its responsibilities in a manner consistent with the

purposes, principles and provisions enshrined in the

Charter.

We believe that the reform process of the Organization

should not be restricted to the management aspect,

important as it is. More important, there should be a

common political will to redress the real and effective

balance in the work of the Organization and to prevent its

machinery from being used for private political objectives

and purposes of certain super-Powers. Above all, one

should pay attention to the dangers inherent in one

international pole breaking loose and trying to dominate

the world. In this context, Iraq welcomes the communiqué

issued after the meeting of President Yeltsin of Russia

and President Jiang Zemin of China in Moscow on 22

April 1997, which clearly called for the rejection of

hegemony by any State over the world’s destinies, of the

exercise of power politics or of the monopoly of

international issues. The Russian-Chinese communiqué

also called for the establishment of a multi-polar

international system. We in Iraq are proud to note that

our leader, President Saddam Hussain, called 20 years ago

for a multi-polar world.

The United Nations should not be controlled by the

rich, who are a small minority in the world. Among the

basic purposes of the United Nations, according to the

Charter, is the promotion of the economic and social

advancement of all peoples. Based on that, we consider it

necessary to avoid marginalizing developing countries and

denying them the opportunities and potentialities for

economic and scientific development.

While we are talking about the reform of the

Organization and its mechanisms and the review of its

role, we should not overlook the basic realities of the

evolution of the international community from a small

group of States that are homogeneous in their concepts

and interests to a community of a global nature,

necessarily heterogeneous and varying in all its

perceptions and interests. This objective reality makes it

imperative for all of us to employ our common energies

to review the charters and mechanisms that we have

inherited to make them consistent with the objective

reality of the international community in order to achieve

the common and public good, not simply the interests of

the minority. One example that comes to mind in this

regard is the area of human rights.

Finally, we must recognize the need for deliberation,

consultation and extensive negotiation on what reform

steps should be approved. A prerequisite for the success

of any step in this common effort is the presence of a real

consensus among States, not the voices speaking under

pressure and threats to their respective interests.

6

For more than seven years, Iraq has been suffering

under an unjust blockade the like of which has never been

witnessed in human history. We have more than once stated

clearly and unequivocally before the General Assembly the

steps that Iraq had undertaken to implement the resolutions

of the Security Council on the so-called Gulf crisis,

particularly resolution 687 (1991), so that the blockade

imposed upon it could be lifted.

Iraq has carried out what was required of it under

these resolutions. In the context of working with the Special

Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency

(IAEA) for the implementation of section C of resolution

687 (1991), on proscribed weapons, Iraq has carried out all

the substantive obligations set out therein. Iraq has never

tarried in doing everything possible to emphasize its

keenness to deal even with the very minute details so that

the Security Council could move to carry out its

corresponding obligations towards Iraq by lifting the

blockade.

Our work in this regard is of special importance. We

should pause to shed light upon it. The full implementation

to date of the substantive obligations imposed on Iraq with

regard to banned weapons is an established fact. Despite all

the rumours, the truth is that Iraq no longer has any banned

weapons, equipment, machinery or materials. The system of

continuous observation established in Iraq by the Special

Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency

is working effectively and has been since August 1994,

covering all the territory of Iraq.

When the new Chairman of the Special Commission,

Ambassador Richard Butler, assumed his office, we

welcomed his statements in which he affirmed that he

would follow an objective, scientific and technical approach

in dealing with what the Commission views as remaining

issues, in accordance with the requirements clearly

established by resolution 687 (1991). We affirmed our full

readiness to cooperate with Ambassador Butler. We agreed

with him, during his first visit to Baghdad last July, on an

intensive common work programme, which we have

actively carried out. In fact, substantial advances have been

made in this common activity, and we look forward to the

semi-annual report by the Special Commission, which we

hope will be submitted to the Security Council in a few

days. We hope it will equitably reflect the progress

achieved and will open the door for the Security Council to

start implementing paragraph 22 of resolution 687 (1991),

which means the beginning of the lifting of the blockade on

Iraq.

The comprehensive blockade imposed on Iraq is the

most extensive and cruel boycott system ever imposed by

the Security Council throughout its history. It covers and

affects, in theory and in practice, every aspect of life.

From our practical experience, we are convinced that the

insistence on the perpetuation of the blockade against Iraq

is not related to the fulfilment by Iraq of its obligations.

It is rather a systematic plan to inflict severe damage on

Iraq by putting an end to its development potential and by

destroying its basic economic infrastructure to fulfil the

selfish interests of an unjust super-Power.

The whole world has felt the magnitude of the wilful

damage and destruction inflicted on Iraq by the

continuation of the blockade, which is contrary to the

purposes for which the United Nations was established,

which purposes have been emphasized in its numerous

conferences. International organizations, humanitarian

missions and United Nations agencies have warned of the

dangers besetting the people of Iraq as a result of the

continued blockade, particularly the dangerous effects on

women and children.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), for

instance, has confirmed in its latest study in March 1997

that 27.5 per cent of Iraqi children under five years of age

suffer from chronic malnutrition and that the most

threatened segment is children under two years old, due

to malnutrition and the incidence of contagious diseases.

Furthermore, the environment in Iraq has suffered

extensive damage because of indiscriminate bombing by

the United States and some of its allies, which was aimed

at power stations, sewage systems and factories, which we

have not been able to rebuild fully because of the

blockade.

Scientific studies and research carried out by foreign

researchers and scientists have unequivocally confirmed

that the United States used banned weapons and

ammunition enriched with depleted uranium in its military

operations against Iraq. This exposed vast tracts of Iraqi

territory to contamination by deadly toxic materials.

Numerous cases of hitherto unfamiliar illnesses have been

recorded, such as congenital deformities of foetuses, bone

deformities and many cases of leukaemia among children.

We heard many allegations from the representatives

of the United States and Britain before Iraq agreed to deal

with the oil-for-food formula. The representatives of both

countries shed crocodile tears and alleged that they were

concerned about the suffering of the Iraqi people. They

7

said that they had come up with Security Council resolution

986 (1995) to alleviate this suffering. that resolution was

not balanced. We and the United Nations Secretary-General,

in May 1996, were able to reach a memorandum of

understanding to implement the resolution in a balanced

manner. When implementation started — that is to say,

when the implementation of the memorandum started — in

December 1996, the American and the British conduct was

seen for what it really is.

The oil-for-food-and-medicine formula is a temporary

and modest formula that meets only a small fraction of

Iraq’s needs. Nevertheless, this formula has encountered

and continues to encounter many major obstacles and

difficulties, which the United States and Britain in

particular try to impose with a view to impeding the proper

and effective implementation of the memorandum of

understanding.

The conduct of the representatives of these two

countries in the Committee established pursuant to Security

Council resolution 661 (1990) has led to an accumulation

of contracts which were rejected or suspended on flimsy

pretexts. This has caused a huge break in the smooth flow

of the approval of such contracts and has thereby delayed

the delivery and distribution of materials to the Iraqi

people. To date, despite the fact that the implementation of

the first period ended over three months ago, Iraq has

received only 25 per cent of the medicine required and has

not received any materials at all up to now relating to

agriculture, education, water or sewage, or any spare parts

for electricity-generating power stations.

Now more than ever is the time for the United Nations

to discharge its responsibility with regard to its obligations

under the Charter, not only to the people of Iraq, but to the

international community. The United Nations has a duty to

carry out a professional and objective review of the

provisions of the blockade imposed on Iraq in order to

implement paragraph 22 of Security Council resolution 687

(1991) as a first step towards lifting the blockade

completely.

All the discussions that have taken place in the United

Nations, in specialized working groups and committees, and

in particular in the Special Committee on the Charter of the

United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the

Organization, have stressed that sanctions should be an

exceptional measure used by the United Nations in special

circumstances and in accordance with the Charter. They

have also stressed that such sanctions should not be based

merely on political expediency, but rather should be firmly

based on international law; that they should be

implemented according to the principles of justice and

international law; that they should not serve individual or

factional interests; that in their implementation,

consideration should be given to the human suffering that

they cause; and that a time limit should be set for their

lifting. Such a serious measure should not be imposed

without setting a precise time for its lifting.

United Nations responsibility does not end there. The

United Nations must put an end to all hostile practices

against Iraq by the United States, which persists in its

continuous attempts to interfere in Iraq’s internal affairs

with a view to causing instability and insecurity and in

carrying out operations to change its nationalist regime;

such practices are considered criminal acts even under its

own domestic law. Statements made by senior American

officials confirm the hostile American policy towards

Iraq.

Members of the United Nations are not unaware of

the article published in the Washington Post on 26 June

1997 or of the information contained in the ABC

television programme aired on 26 June 1997. This

information confirmed that the United States was involved

in conspiracies against the nationalist regime in Iraq. This

involvement is an official policy, approved by the

American President, and more that $100 million has been

appropriated for it. The Central Intelligence Agency has

been charged with its implementation. Following that

publicity, the policy was acknowledged by an official

spokesman of the American State Department in a press

briefing on 27 June.

The United Nations resolutions on Iraq affirm that

all States have an obligation to respect Iraq’s sovereignty,

territorial integrity and political independence. The United

States is carrying out a policy of its own making, which

runs counter to the provisions of the Charter and of the

resolutions referred to. I hope that Members of the United

Nations are not ignorant of the fact that among the means

of achieving the declared objectives of this hostile policy

towards Iraq is the imposition of no-fly zones in northern

and southern Iraq. This is an illegal act that is contrary to

Security Council resolutions. It is a unilateral military act

by the Governments of the United States and Britain —

a clear application of brute power politics against our

country. We demand that the United Nations deplore and

condemn unilateral policies based on the logic of brute

force, opportunism, double standards and hegemony.

8

We are demanding no more than the legal and proper

application of Security Council resolutions in accordance

with the purposes and principles of the Charter. We believe

that there is a collective duty to take joint action to evaluate

in an equitable manner Iraq’s fulfilment of its obligations.

This responsibility rests first and foremost with the

members of the Security Council because collectively they

bear responsibility for any imbalance caused by the

unilateral positions taken by the United States and Britain.

We are eager to establish excellent relations with

neighbouring countries. We have affirmed on more than

one occasion the importance of dialogue in order to arrive

at the best solutions to problems affecting relations between

the countries of the region. Unfortunately, we have not

received the required response from certain parties, largely

because of interference by external Powers that have

nothing to do with the reality of the interests of the States

of the region.

We note that, unfortunately, our neighbour, Turkey, is

indulging in dangerous policies that run counter to the deep

historical, religious and human relations between Iraq and

Turkey. Turkey has repeatedly continued to violate our

sovereignty, interfere in our internal affairs and invade our

territory, on the basis of flimsy pretexts. We have discussed

the situation with our neighbour, Turkey, on several

occasions in the past. The most recent discussion was with

the Under-Secretary of the Turkish Ministry for Foreign

Affairs, which took place on 15 September 1997 in

Baghdad. During those discussions we explained that the

solution to the Kurdish problem inside Turkey could not be

achieved by committing armed aggression against Iraq, or

by interfering in its internal affairs, in collaboration with

foreign Powers — the United States and Britain — but

rather by fully observing the principle of mutual respect for

the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the two countries

and by cooperation between their Governments to ensure

security and stability on both sides of the international

border.

We have warned Turkey of the serious and negative

consequences of its policies for relations between the two

countries and for Turkey’s own interests. Many countries in

and outside the region, and international organizations,

foremost among them the League of Arab States, have

condemned the new Turkish aggression against Iraq, which

began on 22 September 1997. We strongly condemn this

new military aggression, which is a flagrant violation of

Iraq’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We demand that

Turkey immediately withdraw its invading forces from our

country and refrain from repeating such aggressive military

practices, which contradict good-neighbourly relations, the

Charter and international law. We hold Turkey fully

responsible internationally for its acts of aggression inside

Iraq. We reserve our full right to respond to these acts

and to assert our other legitimate rights under

international law that arise as a result of Turkey’s

responsibility for those acts.

We are also keen on establishing good-neighbourly

relations with Iran, based on mutual respect for

sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in

internal affairs. On 8 August 1997 President Saddam

Hussain issued a call to the new Iranian Government to

show its good intentions towards Iraq by carrying out its

established obligations, foremost of which is the release

of Iraqi prisoners of war and the return of the aircraft

entrusted to it. He also affirmed that Iraq would

reciprocate each step taken by Iran in this regard by

taking two balanced steps: one corresponding to the

Iranian step and another in line with our deep sense of

humanitarian, regional and international responsibility to

encourage the taking of successive, continual steps to

ensure that regional security, mutual respect and balanced

interests rest firmly on their proper foundation in such a

way that benefits the peoples of the region.

It is unfortunate that our neighbour, Iran, does not

match our inclination and prefers to continue to exploit

the conditions of the unjust blockade imposed against Iraq

and to exploit the imposition of no-fly zones by the

United States and Britain in northern and southern Iraq to

enable it to violate Iraqi sovereignty, penetrate its airspace

and commit one military aggression after another. The

most recent of such acts was the bombing by eight

Iranian military aircraft of positions inside Iraqi territory,

in the governorates of Diala and El-Kut on 29 September

1997.

Iran and another State are taking advantage of the

illegal air embargo, imposed on northern and southern

Iraq by the United States and its collaborators, to violate

Iraq’s sovereignty, penetrate its airspace and commit

continuous military aggression on its territory. The

continuation of this illegal air embargo constitutes an

ongoing threat to Iraq’s sovereignty and security, not only

from America and Britain, but also from Iran and other States.

This situation, in which acts of aggression are

repeatedly committed, means that the explicit United

Nations pledges in relevant Security Council resolutions

to safeguard Iraq’s sovereignty and territorial integrity

have become a mere dead letter. It is time that these

9

pledges be honoured. If it does otherwise, the United

Nations will have violated its own pledges.

Iraq is an ancient country with a history going back

more than 7,000 years. The Iraqi people, who contributed

immensely to human civilization, will remain in charge of

their own affairs, independent in their choices and able to

overcome these crises. As we stand at the threshold of the

twenty-first century, we look forward to seeing the United

Nations enabled to discharge its basic responsibilities to

carry out the purposes embodied in the Charter.