Ghana, 1999

Mr. President, I am pleased to

join previous speakers in congratulating you and the other

members of the Bureau on your election to guide the

work of the fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly.

Given your vast diplomatic experience and personal

attachment to the principles of the Charter, I have every

hope that our deliberations under your guidance will be

able to determine the necessary mechanisms for dealing

with the numerous challenges facing our Organization as

we move into the next century.

I also wish to express the deep sense of gratitude of

my delegation to your predecessor, His Excellency Didier

Opertti, who served with great distinction in the year

which marked the implementation of reforms instituted by

the Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, to mould the

Organization into a tool that can better fulfil the needs of

Member States.

As we enter a new century, our Organization must

make a realistic assessment of developments in the

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out-going century, especially in this last decade. Such an

assessment will indicate that while global peace and

security have been pursued relentlessly, they have not been

easily nor fully achieved. The reasons are not hard to find.

The situation is aggravated by the multiplicity of

conflicts that pervades the world, especially in Africa.

Intrastate conflicts, rooted in ethnic, racial and religious

intolerance, pose a threat to the security and stability of

many States and regions. While we welcome the

agreements to end the conflict in Sierra Leone and the

Democratic Republic of Congo, the prolonged hostilities in

Angola, Somalia, and lately in Kosovo, demonstrate that the

international community is still grappling with serious

challenges to peace and security.

In spite of such setbacks and disappointments, we

must continue to maintain trust and confidence in the

United Nations ability to achieve sustainable

socio-economic development for Member States. But that

confidence will be sustained only when the Organization is

seen to be truly seeking the interest of all Member States,

without exception. In this regard, Member States must give

impetus to the reform process that we initiated a decade

ago and maintain its dynamism. We also must accept that

the core of the reform touches on the Security Council,

whose decisions bind all Members of the Organization.

The Security Council must therefore not be allowed to

become irrelevant. It should be reformed to ensure that it

can undertake its responsibilities more effectively under the

Charter. And this reform must be guided by the principles

of democracy, sovereign equality of States and equitable

geographical representation. In this connection, we wholly

subscribe to the Non-Aligned Movement’s statement on all

aspects of the question of increase in the membership of the

Security Council, complemented by the African position as

expressed in the Harare declaration of June 1997. Africa’s

claim to at least two permanent seats should be adequately

addressed, since Africa is the largest regional group in the

Organization.

We would also like to reiterate the proposal of the

Non-Aligned Movement that a periodic review of the

structure and functioning of the Security Council is

necessary in order to ensure at all times that it responds

more effectively to new challenges in international

relations, especially in the maintenance of international

peace and security.

It is only through a restructuring of the Council on

these lines that this body can avoid selectivity in dealing

with issues of international peace and security and

sustainable development. The present unequal handling of

the causes and management of conflicts is unacceptable

since it indirectly allows some conflicts to drag on.

My delegation believes that we can succeed in our

collective effort to achieve peace and prosperity in the

next century if we begin to speak out boldly against some

of the injustices on the international scene. We therefore

reiterate our concern over the continued non-compliance

with key United Nations resolutions that call for an end

to the commercial and financial embargo against Cuba. It

is our sincere conviction that the economic blockade of

more than three decades’ vintage against Cuba and the

Helms-Burton and D’Amato legislation are a breach of

international law and a violation of the principles of the

United Nations Charter.

Particularly, Ghana considers the extraterritorial

effect of the Helms-Burton and D’Amato legislation an

infringement on the territorial integrity of States and an

impediment to international navigation and free trade. In

this regard, we are concerned that the economic blockade

continues to severely aggravate the plight of Cubans,

especially the vulnerable groups such as women, children

and the elderly.

Given the United States Government’s recent

sensitivity to the concerns of the international community,

Ghana would like to urge it to seriously consider the

resumption of indirect relations with Cuba. We are

convinced that such contacts will yield desired results,

especially if they take place in the context of constructive

dialogue with the Cuban Government.

Another area of concern to the international

community has been the lingering disagreements with the

great Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. My delegation welcomes

the positive events of 5 April 1999, by which the two

Libyan nationals arrived in the Netherlands for trial by a

Scottish court, in connection with the Lockerbie incident.

We therefore can do no less than to reiterate the position

of the Group of African States at the United Nations, the

Non-Aligned Movement, and the Council of the League

of Arab States that, as a matter of urgency, the Security

Council should move beyond a mere suspension to a

complete lifting of the sanctions imposed against the

Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, since Libya has cooperated fully

and fulfilled all the requirements of the relevant

resolutions.

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No issue in recent memory has frustrated the

international community more than the Middle East peace

process. Last year, as the world marked the fiftieth

anniversary of the forcible dispossession of the Palestinian

people of their lands, homes and property, the Wye River

Memorandum was agreed, offering a fresh impetus and

hope for progress. However, subsequent events —

characterized by prevarications, recriminations and bad

faith — inhibited full implementation of the Memorandum.

Even more painful has been the seeming helplessness of the

international community in the face of such obvious

injustice.

Ghana reiterates its unwavering support for the

inalienable right of the Palestinian people to the

establishment of an independent sovereign State with

Jerusalem as its capital. Happily, recent changes in the

political landscape of Israel offer grounds for renewed

optimism. We thus share the conviction of the Palestinian

leader, Chairman Yasser Arafat, that Mr. Ehud Barak’s

victory has raised hopes for peace throughout the region.

We commend the bold initiative taken by the Israeli leader,

soon after assuming office, to resume dialogue and reach a

meeting of minds with the Palestinians. The challenge

ahead is enormous but not insurmountable; it will require

painful compromises on sensitive issues. We urge all parties

to negotiate in good faith towards a comprehensive, just

and lasting peace in the Middle East.

Ghana is proud of its participation and record in the

peacekeeping efforts of the Organization in all regions of

the world. The sacrifices in material resources and the costs

in human terms have not been in vain, since the

maintenance of peace and security and post-conflict peace-

building have been critical in assuring all of us of the

global tranquillity necessary for sustained development.

My delegation believes therefore that the time has

come for the international community to do in Africa as

much as it has done in other areas, particularly the Balkans,

to guarantee peace. We have seen in the past few months

the kind of resources that the world has been willing and

able to mobilize in the Balkans on short notice. We do not

see the same response to the tragedies of Africa. African

Member States feel discriminated against when the response

of the international community to conflicts on the continent

continues to be muted or lukewarm.

Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation of weapons

of mass destruction are indispensable for the preservation

of world peace. Yet the lack of commitment and political

will of the nuclear weapon countries continues to impede

the process of nuclear disarmament. This is demonstrated

by the failure of the three Preparatory Committee sessions

for the 2000 Review Conference for the Treaty on the

Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).

Against this background, my delegation reiterates the

warning that the parties and non-parties to the NPT alike

will not continue indefinitely to abide by the Treaty while

the nuclear-weapon countries continue to ignore the calls

of the international community to abide by their NPT

commitments and pursue negotiations in good faith on

effective measures relating to the cessation of the nuclear

arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament

under strict and effective international control.

The proliferation of conventional weapons, notably

small and light weapons, is equally of concern, since they

are the tools of violence and conflict in Africa. My

delegation commends all the efforts aimed at securing

international cooperation and coordination in the struggle

against the accumulation, proliferation and widespread use

of small arms. Naturally, we welcome the recent decision

taken on small arms and light weapons by the heads of

State of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) at their

recent summit in Algiers which, among others, called on

OAU member States to adopt a coordinated approach to

the problems posed by the illicit trafficking, circulation

and proliferation of these arms.

We also urge all friends of Africa to support the

implementation of the moratorium on the import, export

and manufacture of small arms and light weapons in West

Africa, which aims at stemming the illicit traffic in these

weapons in our subregion. My Government, in

recognition of the need to address this problem and the

related issue of the forced participation of children in

armed conflicts, intends to jointly host with the

Government of Canada a workshop aimed at building on

the Mali moratorium and establishing a framework for

keeping children out of conflicts. It is our hope that the

support of the international community will be

forthcoming when the time comes.

We are at the dawn of the new millennium,

concluding a period in which the decolonization

movement has brought about one of the century’s signal

transformations: that of more than 80 nations from

colonial status to self-rule and membership of this

Organization. This is a commendable achievement.

Nevertheless, the goal of the Plan of Action for the

International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism

has not been realized, since 17 Non-Self-Governing

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Territories remain on the agenda of this Assembly. We

reiterate our continued belief in the right of all peoples to

self-determination in accordance with General Assembly

resolution 1514 (XV) and call on the administering,

occupying or colonial Powers to cooperate with the relevant

institutions of the United Nations for the speedy

determination of self-rule.

While we congratulate the United Nations and

ourselves for the commendable record in bringing colonies

to self-rule, we cannot hide our deep disappointment at the

recent turn of events in East Timor. Since a significant

number of States Members of the United Nations are the

product of self-determination, our Organization has a moral

and political obligation to bring East Timor to self-rule.

We call on both the United Nations and the administering

Power, therefore, to take all measures necessary to restore

peace and tranquility so that the true wishes of the people,

as clearly expressed in the recent referendum, can be

respected without further delay.

If we are concerned about subjugated territories, then

we cannot remain silent over the continued plight of

Western Sahara. The people of that territory must exercise

true self-determination and we believe that, since the

Polisario Front and Morocco have accepted the Secretary-

General’s programme on implementation of the Settlement

Plan for the referendum in the territory, then the promised

referendum should be held without further delay. We call

on all stakeholders to demonstrate good will and fairness by

ensuring a free and fair referendum.

The phenomenon of extreme and widespread poverty

in the midst of plenty in the world is a serious indictment

of the conscience and political will of the international

community. Compared to the social situation at the onset of

this century, the next century begins with an even bleaker

outlook. More and more people are living at or below the

poverty line, while individual security and well-being

continue to face disruptions from civil conflict and disease.

Malnutrition, malaria, AIDS, diarrheal and communicable

diseases continue to kill millions of people, stifling the

economic potential of large segments of populations.

HIV/AIDS alone has killed in the last decade more

Africans than have all the conflicts and other diseases. It is

a frightening thought that millions of Africa’s young and

productive populations will be killed by this pandemic in

the next few years. What development and progress are we

talking about, then, if we will have no human resource to

implement them?

The continued deterioration of economic conditions

in Africa poses a challenge to all of us, especially as all

statistics show that the world’s poor continue to wallow

in abject poverty with only a dim hope of improvement

in their living standards. One of the main requirements of

our current session of the General Assembly is therefore

to select for implementation those measures that will

enable developing countries to grow out of poverty in a

sustainable environment.

My delegation continues to be concerned about the

deterioration of official development assistance, even

though we note with gratitude the decision by three

industrialized countries to increase their gross national

product allocation to aid, and the steadfastness of

Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden, which

are providing more than 0.7 per cent of their gross

national product. Official development assistance

resources need to be increased to levels which, combined

with the commitment of developing countries to

deepening economic reforms, lead to early achievement

of sustainability in growth, poverty reduction and

macroeconomic stability.

If we must break the cycle of crises, poverty and

instability, particularly in Africa, and if we must create

the conditions for sustainable debt management on the

continent, the creditor countries and institutions must be

prepared to wipe out the debts of the countries involved

in the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt (HIPC)

Initiative and begin the new millennium on a clean slate.

In this connection, we note with appreciation the

recently announced decision and support of the G-7

countries in broadening, deepening and accelerating the

HIPC Initiative. While we express our satisfaction, let me

hasten to urge that care be taken to avoid the imposition

of additional difficulties on HIPC countries in the process,

such as are likely to befall HIPC gold-producing countries

if the proposal to sell off some of the gold reserves of the

International Monetary Fund (IMF) to meet part of the

cost of the expanded HIPC Initiative is followed through.

Similarly, we pray all creditor countries not to present

debt relief in conditionalities that would compel debtor

countries to give up the relief option.

In these days of globalization and trade

liberalization, the developed countries must also open

their markets to goods from developing countries,

including providing greater access for the latter’s

agricultural produce and services. The developed countries

must, in addition, implement their trade obligations in the

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spirit that all must benefit from the trade rules. In this

regard, the twin concepts of liberalization and globalization

must afford developing countries economic justice in terms

of markets and activities. They should not turn developing

countries into perpetual consumers because of limited

volume of goods and market access.

As we approach the next century, we know we cannot

build the kind of future we desire without the full

participation of women. Although much has been achieved

in advancing the status of women through the

implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action, a lot

still remains to be done. Discrimination, denial and violence

against women and girls persist, embedded in cultural,

traditional and religious practices around the world, despite

the increasing public debate on gender issues.

Gender mainstreaming into national, regional and

international policies and programmes, as well as the

provision of adequate resources for implementation as spelt

out in the Beijing Platform for Action, represents one of the

crucial strategies for attaining gender equity and equality.

But in the final analysis, the critical step in protecting

women’s rights is to empower women through education

and increased awareness of their rights. In this connection,

let me express my delegation’s appreciation for the

adoption of an optional protocol to the Convention on the

Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against

Women (CEDAW) which, among others, recognizes the

competence of CEDAW to receive and consider

communications submitted by or on behalf of individuals or

groups of individuals, under the jurisdiction of a State

Party, claiming to be victims of a violation of any of the

rights set forth in the Convention by the State Party. We

are happy that after so many years, women now have an

effective instrument in their hands to fight discrimination,

and we urge the adoption of the draft optional protocol to

the Convention.

This year, we also commemorate the tenth anniversary

of the adoption by this Assembly of the Convention on the

Rights of the Child, by which all Member States pledged to

promote and protect the rights of children. Despite the

Convention, however, the rights of children continue to be

violated through child labour, commercial sex, exploitation,

early marriage and the use of children in armed conflicts.

This situation indicates that mere ratification of the

Convention is not enough. Children would be protected and

their rights promoted only by a conscious effort on the part

of Governments to effectively implement the provisions of

the Convention.

The United Nations and other international

organizations are justifiably preoccupied with governance

because it is the basis of all progress. The United Nations

must therefore play a fundamental and central role in the

re-design of global governance and in global governance

itself. It cannot do so, however, when it is constantly

requested to do more for all people while it is being given

less and less resources. It will certainly lack the

institutional framework for global leadership when

national leaders fail to stand up for it or its enduring

values. Given the onerous responsibilities of the

Organization and the expectations of the Member States,

the timely, full and unconditional payment of assessed

contributions would be an expression of our commitment

and support as the Organization prepares to meet the

emerging challenges of the twenty-first century.

In this connection, it is our firm conviction that the

regular and peacekeeping budgets of the Organization

should be determined solely by the General Assembly in

accordance with each country’s ability to pay, among

other factors, as objectively evaluated within the

Organization. Unilateral decisions that worsen the

financial situation of the United Nations must be avoided.

We have an opportunity to draw lessons from our

immediate past history and to shape a new millennium in

our best image, just as the great statesmen of this century

did in the aftermath of the Second World War. We would

not be true to ourselves if we sought refuge in half

measures. We must use our best endeavours to build a

new world for a new millennium we can be proud of. Our

collective wisdom demands this. Our civilized values

insist on this. We can do no less.