Georgia, 2004

It is

my pleasure and honour to represent my country today

at the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly of

the United Nations. Let me begin by expressing my

deep appreciation for Mr. Julian Hunte, for the

leadership and vision with which he conducted the last

session, and by congratulating Mr. Jean Ping on his

assumption of the presidency of this session.

I would also like to take this opportunity to

express my Governmentís deep gratitude to the

Secretary-General for his leadership, for his strong

commitment and hard work to make the United Nations

a more responsive and efficient body. The Government

of Georgia reaffirms its strong support for the

important work carried out around the world by this

great institution and to all who serve it.

The beginning of the new millennium marks a

great opportunity for the global community of nations

that make up the United Nations - a community

whose collective responsibility is to help strengthen

those institutions that promote and protect the

principles enshrined in the Charter of the United

Nations, so that we can more effectively tackle the

challenges and the issues facing the world today and so

that together we can enhance our shared ability to

promote peace, alleviate suffering, expand liberty and

advance human development with renewed wisdom

and courage.

The belief that we must be able to adapt to great

change while remaining faithful to a set of core ideas

and values is one that has special resonance in Georgia

today, for few countries have witnessed greater

transformation in the past year ó and fewer still have

done so with a clearer sense of purpose. In some

respects, Georgia's revolution has made our small

nation - willingly or unwillingly - a test case for the

modern challenges of democratic transition and

perhaps for a revised formula for international relations

in our increasingly interconnected and complex world.

Nearly a year has passed since our dramatic Rose

Revolution graced the cover of newspapers and

television broadcasts around the world. This revolution

had at its core one simple demand: the creation of a

stable, equitable and functional democracy. It gives me

great pride, Mr. President, to inform you that we have

accomplished that demand in ways that few abroad or

at home ever imagined possible. And I am enormously

proud of my people, whose courage, unity and

steadfast belief in a better future made our revolution

and transformation possible. It is because of the

Georgian people that our experiment in democracy is a

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success, and because of their sacrifice and

determination that we have achieved such impressive

results today.

In less than a year, we have proven the depth and

breadth of our commitment to democracy successfully

by holding three sets of elections - presidential,

parliamentary and regional - which were recognized

by all observers as free and fair expressions of the

public will.

We have proven that we can take care of people

such as the teachers of my country, who just a few days

ago received as much as 12 years in back pay from our

Government. I was recently told by a local governor of

how one such teacher - who had not been paid since

our independence - had just received her payment for

all of those years. For all of those years, that brave

woman, who sacrificed her health and her livelihood

for the education of younger generations while

surviving on the meagre income from a small plot of

land, watched as our corrupt officials - at her expense

and that of her compatriots - were creating their own

wealth, constructing huge mansions and filling their

Swiss bank accounts. Finally she got her money back.

She also watched the corrupt officials chased away

from power and held accountable under our legislation.

Never again will loyal public servants have to

harvest food from their gardens to make ends meet.

Never again will they have to face a Government that

disrespects their dignity. Protecting people like that

teacher is the reason why we have confronted

corruption in Georgia so vigorously, since corruption

threatened the very fabric of our society. By first going

after government officials who were corrupt and who

enjoyed a near-untouchable status, and then seeking to

address the institutional aspects - the corruption that

basically gave rise to such government officials - we

have been able to reinstate the rule of law and create

lasting change in the system.

That is why we conducted a radical downsizing

of our security services, police and customs by up to 50

per cent. Instead of poorly paid government

officials - civil servants who were not given any real

salaries and who were compelled to extort money from

their fellow citizens - we have now introduced new

salaries that are sometimes 8 to 10 times greater than

those paid previously, as well as new rules of the game.

We have introduced new salaries that are

sometimes eight to 10 times larger than those paid

previously, as well as new rules of the game. We have

introduced the first-ever civilian leadership in defence,

security and law-enforcement bodies. We have made

these painful choices because we know that, unless we

change the system itself, we cannot change the corrupt

behaviour of our State officials. It is those officials

who are responsible for the corrupt behaviour of

businesses ó not the businessmen themselves.

It is we who are responsible for failing to build a

better future for our citizens. Winning this battle will

mean that all citizens of my country will finally have a

chance to live in a normal State - where merit rather

than money makes a difference, and where rules and

laws firmly and clearly govern people's actions.

As I said earlier, in order to make such changes

permanent and sustainable, we have raised salaries six,

eight or even tenfold for public servants, so that

incentives are aligned, a fair system can flourish and

people can serve the State with dignity and honour.

That is why we have created a new tax system

that clarifies and simplifies both the payment and the

administration of taxes - creating the lowest-tax

regime and the least complicated tax code in the

region, and eliminating institutional sources of

cheating and corruption.

To hesitate or move cautiously at this critical

stage would mean reneging on the promises we have

made and returning to business as usual in this part of

the world. Our people will not forgive any hesitation.

I believe that we cannot refrain from initiating

reforms and taking radical steps at this time if we truly

want to build a better future and forever change the

rules of the game.

But Georgia today is a visibly different State than

it was one year ago, with fewer games and new rules.

That is why those who fled Georgia throughout the past

decade - one of decay and crisis - are now starting

to return to their homeland. They are putting their

skills, talents, ideas and energy to work for their new

country. There is a great deal of new energy and a new

optimism, which we are happy to observe.

There is a renewed sense of hope and a renewed

sense of purpose that speaks of unity and the unique

strength that comes with it. Georgia's experiment in

democracy is an ongoing success, not simply because I

declare it or wish it, but, rather, because the people of

Georgia continue to embrace it. We are a nation that

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has a strong cultural heritage and identity, but that at

the same time celebrates and cherishes religious and

ethnic tolerance and religious freedom as part of that

identity and that heritage. We are a nation that believes

in the sanctity of rule of law and a strong judicial

system.

One thing is clear: democracy is thriving in our

part of the world although many people thought it

would not be possible. That is because the principles of

democratic governance are reflected in our national

identity and universal desire to be free.

The creation of a successful State depends on the

ability of its institutions to act maturely and

responsibly in the face of shared challenges. In this

new millennium, it is clear to all responsible nations

that one issue above all others unites us as we seek to

promote lasting peace, security and prosperity: the

common war on terrorism.

As a member of the global coalition that seeks to

eliminate the threat of terrorism, Georgia has made,

and will continue to make, contributions wherever

possible and wherever necessary. Our willingness to

act responsibly and to contribute is evident today in

Kosovo and in Iraq - and soon will be in

Afghanistan - all places to which we have sent our

forces to serve alongside others in the pursuit of peace

and freedom. For terrorism knows no greater enemy

and no greater force than the one embodied in a free

society.

Today I am proud to announce Georgia's newest

contribution to freedom: our offer to send fresh troops

to Iraq to serve in the special protection force for the

United Nations Mission in Iraq. In offering our

services to the United Nations Mission, we are hopeful

that our presence will foster lasting stability, prosperity

and freedom for the Iraqi people ó freedom worthy of

all those who live in the region at large.

In the context of our cooperation with

international anti-terrorist efforts, we especially value

the work of the Counter-Terrorism Committee of the

Security Council, and we support the idea of

strengthening the Terrorism Prevention Branch of the

Secretariat.

At this point, however, one could reasonably ask

why such a small country - one of fewer than

5 million people - is so out in front in its international

commitments to fighting terrorism and in contributing

to that global cause. The answer is as painful as it is

simple. Simply put, Georgia's commitments to fighting

terrorism reflect our deep understanding of the

destruction that it can and has wrought in our own

country and in our immediate neighbourhood. Georgia

understands that we must do all we can to defeat

terrorism.

Unfortunately, Georgia today is still dealing with

the results of unresolved separatist conflicts in two

parts of our country ó Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Those conflicts have resulted in loss of life, the

destruction of property, and the forced exodus and

ethnic cleansing of 300,000 Georgians, thus creating a

large population of internally displaced persons. Those

conflicts cannot remain unresolved; we as a country

will never get used to the loss of control over that part

of the territory or to the plight of those who have been

deprived of their livelihoods and their basic human

rights.

Georgia's new democracy is committed to

resolving these conflicts, because no democracy can

allow black holes to exist on its territory. Indeed, their

existence is fundamentally incompatible with progress,

development and lasting stability. No democracy can

tolerate them on its territory.

Today, we are living in an era where the civilized

nations of the world are united in a global war on

terrorism, and, in that world, neither Georgia nor the

rest of the international community can afford to look

the other way. Uncontrolled zones breed crime, drug

trafficking, arms trading and, most notably, terrorism.

The threats posed by violent separatism affect the

security not only of Georgia but of the entire Caucasus.

In places like Abkhazia, on the shores of the Black

Sea, these lawless zones have the potential to affect

European security as long as the situation there

remains unresolved.

The lawless territories of Abkhazia and South

Ossetia are safe havens for mini-dictatorships, tightly

controlled by elite groups that seek to profit from the

criminal status quo. It causes me pain to say that, in

these extremely closed societies ó by and large cut off

from the rest of the world ó children grow up with

guns in their hands instead of books. Their heads are

filled with hatred and intolerance, instead of respect for

difference and appreciation for cultural diversity.

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We must put an end to this cycle of destruction.

We must do more to eliminate the threats to peace and

security that have for too long retarded our

development.

As we seek to find lasting solutions to these

ìfrozenî conflicts, once again Georgia can be

considered a test case. Our success in that respect

would be your success, too. Here, I want to state in the

clearest of terms that Georgia is fully committed to

solving these conflicts through solely peaceful means.

Georgia will not and cannot use violence to solve these

conflicts, because no democracy can go to war against

its own people.

What all parts of Georgia need today is

development, investment, security and lasting

economic growth. We will peacefully reincorporate

South Ossetia and Abkhazia, so that all citizens of

Georgia can share in the fruits of our success.

I believe that the most effective mechanism for

establishing Georgiaís unity is the creation of a strong

economy, where those who are not yet sure if they want

to remain outside Georgia will be given real incentives

and chances to benefit from a prosperous, tolerant and

successful State ó a place where they and their

children will be able to find jobs, earn stable incomes,

and have access to new opportunities and investments.

In a strengthened economy, all of Georgia's

inhabitants will know that they live in a State that is

able to care for and look after them ó in sickness and

in health. These are the qualities that an economically

strong and democratically vibrant Georgia will

guarantee all its citizens. We must do everything

possible to realize that vision if we want to build a

united future. As Georgia looks to the future, it does so

with a clear and understandable plan. Today, I would

like to introduce the idea of a new stage-by-stage

settlement plan, designed to speed the resolution of

these conflicts.

Step one is to initiate confidence-building

measures, so that new forms of trust are established

that create lasting human bonds between peoples.

Those measures could include exchanges and links

between various non-governmental organizations ó

youth group to youth group, student to student,

journalist to journalist, athlete to athlete, health-care

worker to health-care worker, mother to mother ó so

that more citizens and more segments of our society

can learn to understand one another and to trust one

another.

Building confidence means pursuing joint

economic projects that create wealth where today there

is want and create profits where today there is poverty.

Building confidence means restoring and guaranteeing

the right of internally displaced persons to return to

their native homes.

We can and must build confidence between

peoples, as the first precondition for peace. We can and

must do more to protect human rights through

international police forces in places like Gali and

through the existing Human Rights Office of the

Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe,

located in Gali.

Together, we could move on to step two, which

would focus on specific measures aimed at achieving

demilitarization and a truly international format for a

peacekeeping operation in our area, transforming the

current peacekeeping operation into a broad

international operation, so that the people of those

regions can live free from fear of uncontrolled militias,

irregulars and violent gangs, which hold us all hostage

to the status quo.

Those steps will require monitoring, verification

and transparency, so that we can achieve the necessary

results.

The third stage, step three, envisions a global

solution with global guarantees that would lead to the

establishment of the fullest and broadest form of

autonomy ó one that protects culture and language

and guarantees self-governance, fiscal control and

meaningful representation and power-sharing at the

national government level. Most important, it would

lead to an autonomy that empowers average people, so

that isolated elites no longer act as the sole decision

makers over peopleís future.

Georgia greatly appreciates the support rendered

by the Group of Friends and the Geneva process, as

well as the concepts and principles contained within

the Boden document, which should be transmitted to

the Abkhaz side.

Now is the time to enhance those commitments;

now is the time for the international community to do

much more. Simply put: the international community

can no longer afford to look the other way when gross

violations of human rights take place in separatist

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enclaves, just as they can no longer afford to ignore the

security risks that emanate from those black holes and

smugglersí safe havens.

The relevance of that point was brought to the

attention of the world after terrorists seized a school of

innocent children in Beslan, surprising and shocking

the world with their brutality. The people of Georgia

were deeply shocked, and we of course condemn that

brutal act and express deep sympathy to the families of

the victims of that terrible tragedy, which sent

shockwaves through every Georgian household.

As we know, the terrorists that seized the school

are common enemies of Russia and Georgia alike. We

had seen such individuals ó notorious for their acts of

destruction, violence and killing ó when they

unleashed the same kind of bloodshed in the name of

Abkhaz separatism 10 or 11 years ago. Those terrible

events prove once again that we cannot afford to ignore

the dangerous linkages that exist between the

separatism on one side of the Caucasus mountains and

the violence on the other side.

All separatists sow the seeds of great instability,

and lawless zones can be sanctuaries for criminals who

conduct acts of terror. It is our moral obligation to put

an end to the unilateral practice of reaching out to

separatists without the consent or knowledge of the

authorities of the central Government in Tbilisi. In

order to defeat that evil, we must not allow double

standards to persist. I believe that we can work

together with other countries in that respect.

The time has come for Georgia and Russia to

enter a new stage of cooperation whose goal is to

defeat that common enemy. It is our moral obligation

and profound responsibility to join forces more

robustly in that cause.

I firmly agree with President Putin that we can

never negotiate with terrorists or cut deals with killers.

But we may - and we should - work with moderate

elements who seek peace without violence.

We must reach out to every segment of society.

We must do away forever with the Basayevs of the

world, no matter what side of the border they terrorize,

and reach out to ordinary, peace-loving people. All

forms of violent separatism - whether in Tskhinvali,

Grozny or Sukhumi - represent destabilizing factors

for Russia and Georgia alike.

I am confident that, by working together more

robustly, we can make great progress in reducing that

shared risk. I believe that there are a number of

concrete initiatives on which we can embark today that

will bring immediate results - initiatives that again

confirm Georgia's status as a test case for the

promotion of a foreign policy that leads us away from

the outdated politics of domination, advancing, instead,

our shared interest and the great potential for regional

cooperation.

That means finally coming to grips with the need

to close outdated Russian military bases, left over from

the past and from a country that no longer exists.

Let me be clear: while we appreciate any help in

strengthening our security structures so as to make us a

more responsible contributor to international peace and

security, Georgia is firm in its position that we will not

have any new foreign military bases on our territory.

Today, Georgia needs bridges, not bases; roads,

not rockets. And we need cooperation, not competition,

when it comes to eliminating sources of instability and

terror.

The mechanics of the new relationship with

Russia means pooling our resources and efforts to

create a joint anti-terrorism centre to counter common

threats. It means expanding joint border patrols to the

entire Russian-Georgian border, so that no area is left

exposed. Thus the era of zero-sum thinking can be

replaced with policies that lead to a win-win situation.

That is my fundamental conviction.

Those efforts will require greater sharing of

information and intelligence, and a greater degree of

trust ó all of which Georgia stands ready to provide.

Why? Because such actions serve the cause of peace;

because they are part of what it means to remain a

responsible member of the international community of

nations; and, finally, because we have no reasonable

alternative: failure is not an option.

In order to replace the mistrust and

misperceptions that sometimes derail our progress,

Georgia today proposes the establishment of new

bilateral bodies to deal with issues between us and

Russia, in which bilateral issues and misgivings could

be regularly discussed and considered. We should

begin considering the establishment of such a body so

that our relations never again suffer from

misunderstanding or misinterpretation.

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We should, together, consider issues such as the

protection of the rights of Russian citizens now living

in Georgia so that no inhabitant of Georgia ever feels

forgotten or unprotected. At the same time, of course,

such relations would be based on the principles of

international law and mutual respect for each otherís

independence.

All this and more is necessary because there is

nothing more important than serving the cause of

peace. And I am confident and optimistic that my

colleague, President Putin, desires the very same for

his people. I believe that Georgia will remain a test

case in our part of the world in the near future as we

build democracy and further advance cooperation.

Cooperation among the United States, the

European Union, Russia and the countries of the

Caucasus must become the litmus test for this new

relationship. Whether it is the fight against terrorism or

the development of energy or of transit and trade lines,

the region must become a model of cooperation and

stability that benefits everybody.

We are firmly on the path towards integrating into

regional security structures that serve the stability and

security of everybody in the region. Georgia is

becoming an increasingly functional, performing State,

after being a failed State just one year ago. We now

have a budget that is three times bigger than it used to

be. Our structures are much more efficient than they

used to be. Our people are more optimistic than they

used to be. We could be a major part of those

structures, and we offer ourselves as a responsible

member of the local and international communities. I

am sure that, by following that path, we can unlock the

great potential of this crucial and great region for

peace, prosperity and stability - a task I look forward

to pursuing with all of Georgia's friends and

neighbours.