General Debate, session 51

Comoros, 1996

Speaker
Omar Said Ahmed
Post
Minister for Foreign Affairs
Session
51th, 1996
Member state
Comoros
Length
2,457 words

Statement as recorded

Allow me at the outset to address to the

President the sincere congratulations of the delegation of

the Comoros on his brilliant election to the presidency of

the General Assembly at its fifty-first session. My

country, the Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros, is

delighted by his election because, in our eyes, it is a

unanimous tribute from the international community to his

great, friendly country, Malaysia, with which the

Comoros maintains excellent relations of cooperation and

friendship. This choice is also a tribute to his personal

qualifications as a veteran diplomat respected by all.

I also take this opportunity to convey our profound

thanks to his predecessor, Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral

of Portugal, for the devotion and skill with which he

conducted the work of the fiftieth session of the General

Assembly.

To Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the Secretary-

General, that intrepid artisan of the lofty ideals of peace,

solidarity and justice, I should like to pay a well-deserved

tribute for the efforts that he continuously makes for the

benefit of our world Organization.

My country adheres entirely to the Yaoundé

Declaration adopted by the Heads of State and

Government at the thirty-second session of the

Organization of African Unity (OAU), which recommends

the candidature of Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali for a

second term.

Last year, the United Nations commemorated with

fanfare its fiftieth anniversary. More than 129 Heads of

State and Government solemnly reaffirmed the ideals of

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the maintenance of peace, the peaceful settlement of

disputes and the strengthening of international cooperation

and development. In the Declaration adopted at that

commemorative meeting, the indispensable role of the

United Nations was recognized by all. That is why the

sovereign leaders of the world also called for the United

Nations to be reformed and attuned to the requirements of

modern times.

An objective analysis has made it possible to see that

the structure of the Organization no longer corresponds to

the realities of today’s world, which is changing at the

economic, political and geographic levels. At a time of

globalization, when science and technology are

revolutionizing communications, the interdependence of

nations is emerging as an incontrovertible fact, and

democracy is the only path of salvation for the peoples of

the world, our Organization simply cannot and should not

keep a body reserved exclusively to certain States on a

permanent basis while the great majority has only

temporary access to it.

In other words, Security Council reform is urgent and

imperative if we are to act in accordance with the principle

of the sovereign equality of States. In that connection, the

Italian proposal for the reform of the Security Council

offers specific advantages in terms of the possibility of

access to the Council for small and medium-sized States.

No one denies the considerable role of the United

Nations in the establishment of a global society that is more

just and peaceful and better integrated. But everyone

remembers the historic conditions of its creation. The end

of the cold war, the elaboration of a number of conventions

and treaties on disarmament and the non-proliferation of

weapons of mass destruction are, in our view, moral values

that guarantee the emergence of a world of peace in which

the right to life and well-being will win out over barbarism

and brute force.

At the dawn of the third millennium, the United

Nations represents the only recourse for the emancipation

of peoples and the eradication of poverty. In this

connection, we must emphasize the considerable work done

by the Organization’s specialized agencies to help States

requiring assistance in their daily struggle against

underdevelopment.

There is no need to recall that, in the past five years,

our Organization has initiated and organized a number of

thematic conferences aimed at identifying solutions capable

of inspiring States in their national policy-making. These

include the New York World Summit for Children, the

Rio Conference on Environment and Development, the

Vienna World Conference on Human Rights, the Cairo

International Conference on Population and Development,

the Copenhagen World Summit for Social Development,

the Beijing Fourth World Conference on Women and,

more recently, the United Nations Conference on Human

Settlements (Habitat II) at Istanbul. We are also entitled

to hope that next November’s Rome World Food Summit

will offer effective guidance in this vital area.

The founding fathers of our Organization, recalling

the horrors and atrocities of the Second World War,

bequeathed to us an instrument that grants primacy to law

and dialogue. Unfortunately, other modern scourges, such

as genocide, ethnic cleansing, occupation and civil war

have continued to raise the clamour of weapons within

States.

The victims of these new wars are the same as those

of yesterday’s — women, children and the elderly.

The resurgence of violence in the Middle East in the

past few days, arising from the many provocations

orchestrated by the new Israeli authorities, throws into the

question the peace process, which recognizes the

inalienable right of the Palestinian people to a sovereign

and independent State.

For my country, the resumption of the peace process

necessarily involves a withdrawal of Israeli troops from

occupied territories of the Golan and southern Lebanon.

The closing of the tunnel under the Al-Aqsa Mosque is a

sine qua non for reducing tensions and halting the

violence. During the past 30 years of warfare in the

Middle East, the victims have been and remain the

civilian populations. No one can forget the Gulf war or its

consequences for all parties concerned.

My country urges Iraq to seek a solution that would

ensure the peace and security of its neighbours and

include respect for the independence and territorial

integrity of Kuwait. In this connection, the question of

Kuwaiti prisoners detained by Iraq is a concern, the

settlement of which would send a signal of willingness

for appeasement.

The illegal occupation of the islands of Tunb and

Abu Musa by Iran is also a source of tension in that part

of the world. The United Arab Emirates is sparing no

effort to recover peacefully that integral part of its

territory.

18

The embargoes imposed on the Libyan and Iraqi

peoples are of concern to my country. Our Organization

must seek ways and means to enable the parties concerned

to begin a dialogue aimed at a solution that would alleviate

the suffering of the civilian populations of these countries.

The advent of a democratic and multiracial South

Africa and the peace restored to Angola and Mozambique

should not make us overlook the fact that the African

continent is still a theatre of conflict. Like the international

community, my country remains concerned over the

deterioration of the situation and the persistence of violence

in Burundi. Only a return to constitutional order and to

republican legality can reduce tensions and foster a dialogue

between all the people of Burundi. We encourage President

Mwalimu Julius Nyerere in his mediation efforts aimed at

a peaceful solution.

The recent Abuja Agreement on Liberia offers a

glimmer of hope for peace, provided that all the factions

observe the current ceasefire and participate in the

disarmament and demobilization of troops.

The Government of Sierra Leone and the

Revolutionary United Front have made a commitment to

negotiation in order to put an end to the tragic fratricidal

war in that country. We can only encourage such initiatives

and commend Côte d’Ivoire for its mediation.

The situation in Somalia warrants special attention. It

demonstrates the inability of the international community to

find a viable solution to the Somali tragedy.

The question of Western Sahara also requires in-depth

consideration on the part of our Organization, because this

question involves safeguarding the unity and territorial

integrity of a State Member of our Organization, the

Kingdom of Morocco.

Fortunately, other conflicts are coming to an end.

Thus, the recent elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina mark

a decisive new stage in the consolidation of peace and

security — the only condition that would make national

reconstruction possible in that country long devastated by

war.

The world has become a global village fraught with

inequality for its inhabitants. Indeed, the new world

economic order and development strategies have not

bridged the gap separating the rich and poor countries. The

mid-term review of the United Nations New Agenda for the

Development of Africa in the 1990s has made it possible to

note that the Agenda has not had the desired impact on

development, despite its harmonized priorities and

objectives. But we dare to hope that the United Nations

System-wide Special Initiative for Africa, which

complements the New Agenda, will stimulate the process

and accelerate the integration of Africa into the

international trading system. For now, small States can

only expect a continued drop in the prices of their raw

materials and an increasingly unbearable debt burden.

The Federal Islamic Republic of the Comoros, a

small island State that is among the least developed, is

one of those excluded from international trade because, in

addition to its limited natural resources and the high cost

of international transport, other political and structural

constraints have been brought to bear that bridle its socio-

economic development.

The recent history of my country has been

characterized by a series of tragedies. The Assembly will

certainly recall the dramatic events of September 1995 in

the wake of the invasion of the country by mercenaries.

This aroused the indignation of the international

community and brought true economic and social disaster

to my country. The people of the Comoros have suffered

too deeply from repeated attempts at destabilization

fomented from abroad. We appeal to the international

community to ensure that such practices — which belong

to another era — come to an end throughout the world.

I take this opportunity to reiterate our profound

gratitude to France, whose military intervention, requested

by the Government of the Comoros in accordance with

the defence agreements between our two countries, made

it possible to rout the mercenaries. In the same context,

I am pleased to pay a vibrant tribute to the Organization

of African Unity for the decisive role it played in

restoring constitutional order.

We also extend our gratitude to the United Nations

and all those who, near or far, contributed to the

organization of the first free, democratic and transparent

elections, which brought President Mohamed Taki

Abdoulkarim to the highest office of my country.

This short overview of conditions in the Comoros

demonstrates the extent to which the newly elected Head

of State has inherited a catastrophic situation,

characterized by an exorbitant external debt, an empty

State treasury and months of unpaid salaries for

government officials.

19

Yet, strengthened by his popular legitimacy and the

support of a broad majority of the people of the Comoros,

in six months President Taki drafted the broad outlines of

political, economic and social reforms to overcome the

numerous obstacles impeding the construction of a

democratic, prosperous and interdependent society in the

Comoros. A vast programme was set up in the economic

and financial sphere that included financial stabilization

measures, a State audit, monitoring of civil servants and a

recovery of State movable property and real estate. The

results are promising and, for the first time, there are cases

of corruption and embezzlement of government funds

before the Comorian justice system.

In this series of reforms, the private sector has pride

of place. That is why the Government is disengaging itself

from the monopoly it has enjoyed in many sectors which it

has turned over to dynamic privatization that generates

growth.

Official contacts have been opened with financial

institutions and development partners of the Comoros in

order to establish a structural adjustment programme with

the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to

restore my country’s credibility.

In the social sphere, ministerial departments — inter

alia, those of national education and public health — have

mobilized their energies to rehabilitate these very sensitive

and vital sectors. An international conference on education

in the Comoros is planned for next December and we invite

all friendly countries, international and regional bodies to

participate in that important meeting, aimed at mobilizing

the necessary resources to finance education that meets the

expectations of Comorian youth.

In the political and institutional sectors, the incredible

proliferation of small political parties and a jury-rigged

Constitution that is ineffective and difficult to implement

have seriously hampered the new democratic process. Thus,

the new presidential majority, comprised of more than 18

political parties out of the 25 that have been officially

recognized, has merged into one great national political

movement. A consultative commission comprised of all the

active forces within the nation — political parties, trade

unions and human rights and environmental associations —

has been working to amend the Constitution. Their draft

will be submitted for approval this month to the Comorian

people in a referendum. As soon as it is adopted, legislative

and regional elections will be held to set up a parliament

for the country and municipal institutions for the regions.

After 2l years of independence, the Comoros are still

being built. President Mohamed Taki Abdoulkarim is

aware of what is at stake. He knows that we must first

rely on our own efforts, but he also knows that he may

rely on the effective support of the international

community, especially the United Nations and its

specialized agencies, including the United Nations

Development Programme, the United Nations Children’s

Fund, the World Health Organization and the Food and

Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, to which

we reiterate our complete confidence and deep gratitude

for their efforts towards the development of the Comoros.

From this rostrum, I solemnly appeal to the

international community to give special economic

assistance to the Federal Islamic Republic of the

Comoros.

I cannot conclude my statement without mentioning

the question of the Comorian island of Mayotte, which is

on the fifty-first session’s agenda as a separate item. At

the appropriate time, I will not fail to detail developments

and to express our hope of a settlement in the wake of the

democratic changes that have occurred in the Comoros in

the past six months.

The end of the twentieth century challenges our

collective conscience to build a better world for future

generations — a world without war and without poverty,

a world in which injustice, violence, drugs, terrorism and

fundamentalism will no longer exist. Of course, one might

say that such a world is impossible because profit-

seeking, protectionism and intolerance are obstacles to

progress and hindrances to the well-being of humanity.

But progress in science, technology and medicine

reinforces our optimism.

It is in this spirit that our faith is revived in a United

Nations that is more dynamic and more democratic, a

United Nations in which the rule of numbers will carry as

much weight as the rule of strength.

United Nations official records are in the public domain worldwide under administrative instruction ST/AI/189/Add.9/Rev.2.

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