Chile, 1995

Let me first convey to you, Sir, my delegation’s and my

own congratulations on your election as President of the

General Assembly. Your appointment to preside over the

Assembly at such an important session constitutes a

recognition not only of your personal abilities but also of

the important international role that Portugal plays on the

international stage.

As we commemorate half a century of the existence

of the United Nations, we do so with renewed hopes for

the purposes and principles of the Organization, and we

wish to reaffirm our country’s commitment to it.

The major processes taking place in the modern

world have transcended national borders and taken strong

root in the multilateral sphere. Like never before in the

history of humankind, the solution of the problems of the

peace and security of States and the people inhabiting

them, as well as the protection of the individual, his

welfare and his environment, depend more on collective

decisions and action than on any one country. Our

multilateral system may still have major defects and

shortcomings, but there is no replacement that has the

political legitimacy of the United Nations to take up the

challenges facing us as we approach a new millennium.

Hence, it is important, during this session of the

Assembly, to engage in a broad debate on the functioning

of our system, in order both to adapt its objectives to the

new realities and to introduce far-reaching changes in the

structures of the Organization, which were designed to

meet the challenges of a post-war world that no longer

exists.

My country aspires to occupy a seat in the Security

Council as a non-permanent member in 1996 and 1997.

From this rostrum I wish to express our gratitude for the

unanimous endorsement we have received from the Latin

American and Caribbean Group, as well as for the

support to be provided by other countries of the United

Nations in the election, which is to be conducted at this

session of the General Assembly.

Chile is in a position to assume this responsibility

and contribute to the search for the consensuses required

to strengthen the Organization and make its decisions

really effective. We shall do so on the basis of our

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principles of international policy, seeking always to reflect

the views and interests of the region we wish to represent.

We believe that the primary objective of a security

policy is to reduce the insecurity of the international

community as a whole, of its Member States and of

individuals, families and the communities in which they

live. Helping to reduce these insecurities is the main task of

the United Nations.

We are experiencing the combined effects of the

ending of the cold war and of the process of increasing

globalization. Both have positive consequences in the

economic and political spheres, but at the same time they

face us with new situations and uncertainties.

The fear of the nuclear destruction that might have

resulted from the world-wide ideological confrontation

between the major Powers has disappeared, and the Treaty

on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), to

which Chile is now a party, has been indefinitely extended.

Nevertheless, the nuclear Powers and those aspiring to

that status still do not acknowledge that the very existence

of nuclear weapons capable of destroying mankind is a

source of insecurity for us all. To believe that nuclear

weapons confer greater security on the State that possesses

them is an illusion. What they produce is profound unease

in other nations and in the population of the nuclear-

weapon State itself in the face of the possibility that the

weapons, in an escalation of folly, might end up being

used.

The renewal of nuclear tests by certain Powers —

precisely at a time when, in the wake of the recent

Conference on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons, there should have been a moratorium on

such tests so that a definitive test-ban treaty could be

prepared — shows insensitivity in this regard. Nevertheless,

China and France, countries for which we profess respect

and friendship, have opted to continue such tests. We

condemn their attitude, and we see this as a clear setback

for the cause of disarmament and non-proliferation of

nuclear weapons, which we all claim to share.

For Chile, France’s decision to renew its nuclear tests

on Mururoa Atoll, in the Pacific Ocean, is of particular

concern. As a Pacific country and a member of the Asia-

Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (APEC), has

categorically condemned those tests, and President Frei has

made our opinion known to President Chirac.

We are concerned lest the South Pacific region, in

which Chile has vital interests, should become a zone in

which it is regarded as legitimate to engage in activities

that are unthinkable in other parts of the world. We wish

to state clearly our willingness to work together with

other States of the region to prevent the proliferation,

emplacement, transit or testing of nuclear weapons and

other radioactive materials in that region and throughout

the world.

On the other hand, we appreciate the positive

attitude of those nuclear Powers that have declared and

maintained unilateral moratoriums. Chile, along with other

countries, believes that the General Assembly should take

a stand on this issue in order to promote an immediate

moratorium on all nuclear tests, as proposed by the Heads

of State of the Rio Group and the States parties to the

Treaties of Tlatelolco and Rarotonga at their recent

meeting.

The end of the cold war has given rise to a genuine

ideological decolonization that has opened the way for

greater freedom and democracy in various regions of the

world. Nevertheless, the hope that this change would lead

to a more peaceful world has been thwarted. The new

world disorder has encouraged the development of ethnic,

religious, cultural or simply group differences. The former

Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Somalia remind us that hatred

that still festers in various parts of our world.

People rightly look to the United Nations to bring its

political and moral weight to bear in helping prevent such

atrocities. Consent to barbarism in any part of the world

weakens the moral fibre of all human beings. That is one

of the great lessons of the cold war; after the overthrow

of fascism, the world also had an opportunity to expand

democracy and freedom.

Nevertheless, the systematic abuse of human rights

which tactical allies were allowed to engage in, and which

also characterized the Soviet Union and its areas of

influence, reduced the ethical quality of the world

inherited after the ending of the cold war. What alarms us

today was just yesterday promoted or consented to for

“reasons of State”.

Thus, the promotion of human rights, freedom and

democracy cannot be seen as unwarranted interference in

other people’s affairs. There cannot be political, cultural,

ethnic or religious reasons for trampling on human

dignity. This is the core of the emerging international

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humanitarian law which Chile regards as a cornerstone of

the world order for the twenty-first century.

In addition, the need to promote the security of the

individual has recently acquired particular prominence. The

main factors that today affect such security are

unemployment, hunger, poverty, marginalization, crime and

discrimination on grounds of class, sex, religion, culture or

ethnic origin. People are demanding to be included in a

process of development which affords opportunity, and

asking that shared progress should ensure increased equality

for all. Societies today are aware that social polarization is

becoming their main source of uncertainty.

The world economy also recognizes this fact. As

President Eduardo Frei has said:

“We know today that there can be no stable

investment in unstable societies, and that economic

prosperity cannot prosper amidst human insecurity. On

the contrary, it is becoming increasingly apparent that

one of the main sources of growth and development

for the future is, in all countries, the incorporation of

today’s marginalized people into the worldwide

production system that is coming into being.”

Heads of State and Government from all parts of the

world ratified these views at the World Summit for Social

Development, when they stated:

“We acknowledge that the people of the world

have shown in different ways an urgent need to

address profound social problems, especially poverty,

unemployment and social exclusion, that affect every

country. It is our task to attack both their underlying

and structural causes and their distressing

consequences in order to reduce uncertainty and

insecurity in the life of people.” (A/CONF.166/9,

annex I to resolution 1, para. 2)

The same problems stemming from the processes of

globalization and internationalization have led to the

emergence of a new set of problems relating to security.

These include the corrosive influence of drug production

and consumption, and the corrupting effect of the

movements of vast amounts of money that this traffic

involves; the degradation of the environment, from its

global impact on the ozone layer to its local effect on the

health of children and the elderly; the large international

migrations resulting from insecurity in the countries of

origin; the expansion of international terrorism; and the

increase in transmissible diseases such as AIDS.

One immediate conclusion emerges: there is no

substitute for the multilateral system to tackle this

interrelated set of problems. The areas for purely national

action are shrinking, while the need for international

agreements and understandings is growing on a daily

basis.

Another important conclusion is that to deal with

this multifaceted constellation of problems, we need to

make use of the United Nations system as a whole. If we

want to resolve the problems of security, as they are

experienced by people and as we have described them

here, not only the Security Council, but also the General

Assembly, the Economic and Social Council and the

specialized programmes and agencies have a vital role to

play. We must give them greater responsibilities in

relation to these issues.

In this context, I wish to outline a number of general

principles by which our activity in the Security Council

will be guided. We shall:

First, focus on preventive diplomacy and on peaceful

settlement of disputes in accordance with Chapter VI

in order to reduce to the minimum the use of force,

in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter.

Secondly, promote confidence-building measures and

regional solutions based on the capacity for action of

countries in the region; the regional option can be

effective, as the case of Latin America is

demonstrating, and should precede and complement

recourse to the Security Council.

Thirdly, always maintain a special concern for the

victims of the conflicts dealt with by the Council,

encouraging the fullest use of humanitarian law.

Fourthly, protect, in cases where sanctions have to

be applied, the interests and needs of the most

disadvantaged sectors of society; we do not believe

in unilateral sanctions or in sanctions that ultimately

hit only the weakest.

Fifthly, promote greater transparency in the

procedures and decisions of the Council, so that the

other States Members of the United Nations, civil

society and public opinion at large can exercise

democratic oversight over its actions; the more

widely the complexities of the issues it deals with

are known and understood, the greater the support

for its work will be.

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Sixthly, monitor the growing cost of peace-keeping

operations with a view to rationalizing use of the

available resources and making them more efficient.

We believe that one of the essential tasks for the

United Nations in striving to attain the goal of increasing

global stability is to promote the progressive establishment

in various parts of the world of regional zones of peace and

cooperation that is, geographical areas, defined by the

participants themselves, in which are applied agreed rules

for coexistence and the strengthening of peace and security.

The United Nations has already declared the Indian

Ocean and the South Atlantic to be zones of peace. The

same objective has been pursued by the Treaties of

Tlatelolco and Rarotonga in relation to nuclear weapons in

Latin America and the Caribbean and in the South Pacific.

We need to draw the main lessons from the benefits and

limitations of the experience they afford.

It is important to stress that the ending of the cold war

leaves the concept of a zone of peace devoid of any

ideological implication and makes it possible to

acknowledge its practical usefulness. The Government of

Chile considers that many regions, including ours, are in a

position to follow this example. We intend to request the

Secretary-General to engage in consultations with the

Governments of United Nations Member States regarding

the interest in and possibilities of promoting zones of peace

in various regions of the world and to report thereon to the

General Assembly next year.

If we wish to make an effective response to the

challenges we face, we need to improve the

representativeness and efficiency of our Organization. This

Assembly will also have to discuss important aspects

relating to the reform of the system in these two directions.

Chile shares the view of many other countries

regarding the need to restructure the Security Council to

make it more representative. That entails bringing in as new

permanent members countries which over the past 50 years

have acquired much greater weight than they had when the

Second World War ended.

The new realities of the international system have not

affected only the developed world. Other regions have

increased their influence in a world which — although

“globalized” — is still extremely diverse.

While maintaining its capacity for rapid

decision-making, which implies a small number of

members, the Security Council needs to be expanded to

take all these factors into account. That will mean making

the present categories of membership more flexible, while

always maintaining geographical balance.

Of course, we agree with all the countries of Latin

America and the Caribbean that any expansion of the

Council should provide for an increase in the

representation of our region, which in recent decades has

acquired a greater international presence and has shown

itself always ready to undertake responsibilities in the

strengthening of international security.

Nevertheless, the reform needed in the United

Nations goes far beyond the Security Council. Important

reforms also remain to be carried out in the economic and

social sphere, through which it will be possible to

promote greater efficiency in the discharge of the major

tasks of eliminating poverty, protecting the most

disadvantaged social groups, creating employment,

protecting the environment and strengthening free trade.

In these and other areas, we also expect important

initiatives from this Assembly.

Finally, the financial situation of the United Nations

has been a cause of concern to us all. This situation is

largely due to the many additional tasks the Organization

has had to take on in recent times. But we share the idea

that, rather than endlessly increasing contributions, it is

important to take up the urgent task of rationalizing

expenditure and setting adequate priorities for our

activities. We greatly value the initiatives the Secretary-

General has been taking in this direction, and we assure

him of our full support in his efforts to adapt our

Organization to the new realities.

Over the past 10 years, Latin America has

undergone far-reaching structural changes in the direction

of democracy, respect for human rights and economic

reform. Now we are also making an effort to attack the

major problems of poverty and inequality that blight us,

and to eliminate once and for all the scourges of drug

trafficking and corruption.

Chile, as an integral part of the community of Latin

America and the Caribbean, is a country of social peace

and continuing development. Our economy has

experienced sustained growth rates and our country is

determined to consolidate the democratic process and

attain justice and social equity.

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As a country that is open to the world, we have

expressed our readiness to assume in full the international

responsibilities incumbent on us in the common task of

bringing about peace, security and development. We are

convinced that this Organization, which we helped to found

fifty years ago, will continue to be the main multilateral

vehicle for our proposals, our contributions and our dreams.