Bahrain, 1994

It is my pleasure at the outset to extend to you

as President of the Assembly at its forty-ninth session,

Sir, and to your fraternal country, Côte d’Ivoire, my

sincere congratulations on your election to preside over

this momentous international assembly. I should like to

assure you of the cooperation of my delegation. We are

confident that your experience in the affairs of this

Organization will enable you to conduct the work of this

session with competence and efficiency.

I should also like to express our appreciation to

Ambassador Samuel Insanally, who conducted the

proceedings of the last session with great skill.

It is also my pleasure to take this opportunity to

convey our sincere congratulations to the Republic of

South Africa on regaining its full membership in the

United Nations after its liberation from apartheid, trusting

that it will resume its role as active member of the

international community.

I avail myself of this opportunity as well to mention

with appreciation the persistent efforts and tireless drive

of His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Secretary-

General of the United Nations, to enhance the role of the

United Nations in international affairs and to further the

Organization’s noble objectives. We also note with

appreciation his sincere and continuous endeavours in the

field of development and international economic

cooperation, to which the content of his report “An

Agenda for Development” bears witness.

The Secretary-General’s report “An Agenda for

Development” prompts us to reflect anew, as we approach

the twenty-first century, upon the future of international

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cooperation in all its aspects. The need for such

questioning undoubtedly gains an air of urgency at a time

when the features of the international post-cold war order

have yet to take a clearly identifiable shape. As the

international community witnessed profound changes in the

wake of the 1815 Vienna Conference, the big powers and

others met to establish patterns for relationships amongst

States within the framework of a global order, to be

buttressed by an international consensus. Yet the current

international period, fraught with a host of interlocked

variables, is noted for the absence of a similar consensus

whereby the features of the new world order could be

identified.

Change is a law of nature. However, the accelerating

pace of change that we witness nowadays is unprecedented;

it has sent tremors into the otherwise monotonous

progression of events and has made the present era a

historic one. It is only by virtue of our understanding of

history as the link between past and present that we are

able to fathom for even a little while what goes on around

us.

Watching the dramatic changes that took place over

the past few years, one could detect two dominant yet

contradictory trends in the course of those changes. One is

the fragmentation that has occurred in certain regions of the

world, causing the emergence on the political map of new

States on ethnic and cultural bases. The other trend is the

inclination towards globalization, especially as the new

technology and current communications revolution have

narrowed the distances between various parts of the world.

The amazing pace and speed of these changes call for new

visions so that the present can be managed and the future’s

dimensions charted.

The desirable structure of the global world order

should, in our view, rest on the following basic principles.

First, the creation of a new vision for all aspects of

development. Second, the development of an

internationally agreed-upon mechanism for the maintenance

of world peace and security. Third, cultural and

civilizational interaction among nations.

Comprehensive development is a cornerstone of world

peace. As the Secretary-General has said in his report,

development is a fundamental human right. It is the safety

valve for peace. We understand that the concept of

development means, basically, the achievement and

sustaining of socio-economic progress. While some

developing countries have been able to overcome some of

the obstacles to their economic and social development,

most of them are still caught in the vicious circle of

economic problems. If we look back 25 years to consider

a 1969 study entitled “A Study of the Capacity of the

United Nations Development System”, we are likely to

realize how optimistic that study was and, in contrast,

how frustrating is the present condition of development in

developing countries. Hence our conviction that the

Secretary-General’s “An Agenda for Development” and

his call for a new vision are an attempt to cast the

development process, with all its human and material

complications, in a new form that would meet the basic

needs of developing countries.

We would like in this connection to welcome the

forthcoming World Summit for Social Development, to be

held in Copenhagen next March. We attach great

importance to that summit, as it should have the potential

to fulfil expectations in the field of social development in

accordance with the provisions of Article 55 of the

Charter. The significance of the summit is underlined by

its programme of work, which addresses three important

issues: the alleviation of poverty and eradication of need,

the creation of employment opportunities and the

promotion of social integration.

Economic growth is a central element of

comprehensive development. Although the world

economy’s performance has improved, relatively

speaking, its growth rate still falls short of the rates of the

1970s and 1980s. During 1993, the growth of the world

economy has not exceeded one percent, nor is it expected

to grow more than two-and-a-half percent during this

year, according to economic projections.

Economic problems that plague the world economy

continue to have adverse effects on the economies of

developing countries — in particular, on their

development process. Those countries are beset by

economic problems that are primarily external and are

manifested mainly in indebtedness, the decline in the

prices of commodities including oil, high interest rates,

the decline in investments, fluctuation of the rate of

exchange, scarcity of cash flows and international trade

barriers.

The world is now in need of an equitable

international economic order that would enable all States,

small and large, to reap the benefits of experience and

great accomplishments in the economic field. In spite of

economic disagreements between States, the economic

situation will improve with firm political will and the

4

genuine desire on the part of all States to solve the

economic problems of the world today.

Encouraging signs of change appeared on the horizon

early this year with the signing of the final document of the

Uruguay Round in Marrakesh and the establishment of the

World Trade Organization. We hope that the objectives of

the said Organization will be translated into concrete reality

for the benefit of all humanity. We believe that the terms

and framework of the Uruguay Round should translate into

access to markets and expansion of international trade to

cover all States. In addition, the World Trade Organization

should contribute effectively to the establishment of a non-

discriminatory trade system. Meanwhile, we voice our

concern that multilateral conventions concerning the

liberalization of trade could be thwarted by the use of

environmental issues as a means to raise protectionist taxes

on international trade, with a view to reducing the use of

certain commodities in world markets.

The second fundamental principle for the world order,

in our opinion, is the achievement of peace and security

throughout the world. It should be based on three basic

elements: the establishment of a feasible collective-security

system, the peaceful settlement of regional and international

disputes and disarmament.

The history and experience of the United Nations in

the field of international peace and security, which was

overburdened by the feverish political polarization which

prevailed during the cold war era, should serve as an

incentive for the international community to build on the

content of the Charter with a view to developing a globally

acceptable and supportable mechanism that would be able

to take firm action, pursuant to the provisions of Chapter

VII of the Charter, with respect to threats to the peace,

breaches of the peace and acts of aggression. It is possible,

in this respect, to develop a pattern of cooperation between

the Security Council and regional organizations in matters

relating to the maintenance of international peace and

security, in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VIII

of the Charter.

With regard to the peaceful settlement of disputes, the

Secretary-General’s proposals, as set out in his report “An

Agenda for Peace”, should be employed by the international

community to maintain international peace and security and

to develop the means whereby the capability of the United

Nations to engage in preventive diplomacy, peacemaking

and peace-keeping may be strengthened and made more

efficacious. Preventive diplomacy is undoubtedly an

effective instrument for preventing the outbreak and

escalation of hostilities between States that would use or

threaten to use force.

Disarmament is an important requirement for the

maintenance of world peace and security. The nightmares

generated by stockpiles of weapons, especially nuclear

weapons, continue to haunt humanity and to cause great

anxiety throughout the world in view of the threat that

such weapons pose to the human race and its security. In

the wake of the bipolar era, and as an inevitable result of

the cold war, the international community has turned its

attention to the question of disarmament. There is an

urgent and growing need to put an end to nuclear terror

and to weapons of mass destruction.

During the past few years many people, in both the

developing and the developed countries, have demanded

that an end be put to the race to acquire nuclear weapons

and other weapons of mass destruction. Although an

understanding to curb the increase in nuclear stockpiles

has been reached as a result of certain concerted efforts,

those stockpiles have yet to be adequately reduced.

It is regrettable that the world has become

capriciously involved in another dilemma of a different

type. I refer to the proliferation of weapons of mass

destruction and related technology through their

acquisition by illegitimate means. Such arsenals and the

phenomenon of proliferation must be eliminated if the

international community is to ensure that international

peace and security may be maintained.

The third requirement for the establishment of a new

world order is fulfilment of the need of peoples to come

closer to each other, to be better acquainted with each

other through cultural and social interaction with a view

to reinforcing the noble human values and ideals ordained

in monotheistic religions. The world is experiencing an

important epochal transformation as communities shift

their focus from individual States to regional groupings,

such as the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of

the Gulf and the European Union. This phase is expected

to lead to another, in which interaction and cohesion

between States and regional groups, with their diverse

cultures, is enhanced, with the ultimate goal of creating a

world that is economically, culturally and intellectually

interrelated.

The profound apprehension, in terms of history and

civilization, of man’s crisis in modern times leads to the

conviction that enlightened dialogue sows the seeds of

cooperation and association between the various nations

5

and races that yearn for security, tranquillity and stability,

even if they are at variance in their cultures and in their

outlook in respect of the human being, life and the

universe. The polemics to which the final document of the

International Conference on Population and Development in

Cairo have given rise are evidence of that variance. This

reality underlines the need for dialogue, especially since we

are at the threshold of the twenty-first century.

The significance of the Cairo Conference was due to

the crucial human-life-related issues that it addressed, such

as the family and family planning, productive health, the

relationship between the environment and inhabitants and

other issues that concern countries, both rich and poor.

Bahrain, which participated in that Conference, has

endorsed such provisions of the Final Document as are

consonant with the magnanimous Islamic law, our social

values and our national legislation.

The Middle East is one of the regions that have

experienced particularly severe and bloody wars and

hostilities. The longest of these was the Arab-Israeli

conflict, which repeatedly threatened regional and

international security. This fact underlines the need to

establish the order of relations between the States of the

region on a basis of co-equal security.

I should like to reaffirm here our full support for the

policy of freeing the Middle East region from nuclear and

other weapons of mass destruction and, accordingly —

bearing in mind its capability in this field — we call upon

on Israel to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation

of Nuclear Weapons. We are confident that the elimination

of such destructive weapons will be of benefit not only in

the area of peace and security but also in the areas of

development as the resources saved as a result of reduced

expenditure on armaments could be diverted to economic

and social areas, thus enabling the peoples of the region to

raise their living standards and secure a better life for future

generations.

Bahrain welcomed the signing of the Declaration of

Principles between the Palestine Liberation Organization

and Israel on 13 September 1993 and regarded it as the first

step toward a comprehensive peaceful and just settlement

in the Middle East. Since that historic event there have

been other developments in the peace process. Among

these was the signing, in Cairo on 4 May, of the self-rule

Agreement between the Palestine Liberation Organization

and Israel. This was followed by the Palestinian self-rule

authority’s arrival in the Gaza Strip and Jericho. The

Jordanian and Israeli sides also were able to sign the

Washington Declaration on 25 July this year.

We welcome these developments and hope that they

will constitute a first positive move towards a

comprehensive and just peace on the basis of Security

Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and the

other resolutions of international legality and the land-for-

peace principle. We view these steps as a breakthrough

in the attempts to achieve peace, and we hope that they

are the beginning of the solution to the question of

Palestine and of the process of enabling the Palestinian

people to secure their legitimate national rights, including

the right to their own independent State.

It is our hope that, in the context of the peace

process in the region, efforts on the other tracks will yield

positive results so that the process may be concluded

successfully. It is hoped that the negotiations will lead to

complete Israeli withdrawal from all occupied Arab

territories, including Holy Al-Quds, the Syrian Arab

Golan and southern Lebanon.

While we affirm our deep interest in the

achievement of peace and development in the Middle East

region, the State of Bahrain, as expressed by His

Highness Sheikh Isa Bin Salman Al-Khalifa at the

opening of the third session of the Consultative Council

last week,

“deems it incumbent upon it to stress that the

ensuing peace should be comprehensive, the security

mutual and the development common.”

His Highness continued:

“All peoples and countries of the region should reap

the tangible results.”

It is our conviction that the peace process should be

comprehensive and integrated, for it would be futile to

focus on achieving peace and development in one part of

the region while leaving unresolved problems of others.

Mutual security and vital interests should involve all

parties that are called upon to take part in peacemaking

and mutual development. In this context, all steps by all

parties should be taken in a measured, balanced and

equitable manner.

My delegation wishes to express its support for the

Syrian Arab Republic in insisting on its right to regain

sovereignty over its territories in the Golan that have been

6

occupied since 1967. We also call on Israel to withdraw

completely and unconditionally from southern Lebanon,

pursuant to Security Council resolution 425 (1978). The

past has taught us that inequitable peace is the shortest way

to more crises. This must be realized by all those who are

interested in the future well-being and stability of the

region.

Security, stability and political balance in sensitive

regions are important. Territorial and boundary claims

aimed at changing the present boundaries of States are

matters of concern to my country. It is our conviction that

the ideal means of dealing with such issues is to respect the

existing and generally recognized borders between States,

and to settle all differences that may rise by peaceful means

acceptable to both sides.

Accordingly, we stress that Iraq should implement

Security Council resolutions relating to Kuwait and should

officially recognize Kuwait’s sovereignty and release all

Kuwaiti and other prisoners of war and detainees. As we

call on Iraq to comply with the requirements of

international legitimacy, we express at the same time our

insistence on Iraq’s unity, sovereignty and territorial

integrity and our sympathy with the brotherly people of

Iraq, who are beset by difficult economic and living

conditions. It is our hope that these conditions will change

once the causes for them have been removed.

It is regrettable that the dispute between the United

Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran in relation

to the question of sovereignty over the islands of Abu

Moussa, Greater Tumb and Lesser Tumb has not abated,

because it adversely affects the security and stability of the

Gulf region. With that in mind, the State of Bahrain calls

on the Islamic Republic of Iran to respond to the invitation

by the United Arab Emirates to seek a settlement of the

dispute over those islands through serious bilateral talks and

through other peaceful means available for the settlement of

disputes between States by mutual consent.

The situation in Somalia is still precarious despite all

the good offices and sincere efforts of the United Nations,

the League of Arab States and the international community

at large. While we voice our concern over the situation in

that sister nation, we maintain that it is the Somali parties

themselves that have the primary responsibility for the

achievement of peace, the protection of Somali national

interests and the rebuilding of the institutions of a unified

Somalia. Bahrain also supports the recent League of Arab

States resolution calling for the establishment of a

ministerial committee to follow, along with the Secretary-

General of the Arab League, the situation in Somalia and

developments there, and to maintain appropriate contacts

with a view to finding a suitable solution to the dangerous

state of affairs and to achieving national reconciliation, in

the interest of Somali unity and the well-being of the

Somali people.

The plight that has afflicted the Republic of Bosnia

and Herzegovina for the last two and a half years persists

with full intensity. This year, the Serb aggressors have

continued relentlessly to commit appalling massacres,

killings, torture and rape against unarmed Bosnians, in

flagrant disregard of the rules of international

humanitarian law that outlaw such practices. In

pursuance of their policy of fait accompli through the

seizure of more territory, the aggressors persist in

preventing delivery of humanitarian relief supplies,

violating the sanctity of and destroying places of worship

and carrying out “ethnic cleansing”.

The unabated aggression against the Republic of

Bosnia and Herzegovina is a clear test of the effectiveness

of the United Nations and its role in providing protection

to populations. The Serb aggression against Sarajevo and

Gorazde has shown the extent to which the Security

Council is intentionally avoiding ensuring that its own

resolutions are implemented against the Serbs. Although

in all its relevant resolutions, including resolutions 900

(1994) and 913 (1994), the Council has affirmed the

sovereignty, unity, territorial integrity and political

independence of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina,

none of these resolutions have yet been enforced. The

Security Council is now in a dilemma, since

developments have shown the great difference between

adopting resolutions and taking action to implement them.

The adoption by Security Council of resolution 943

(1994) which relaxed the sanctions against Serbia and

Montenegro was, in our view, tantamount to rewarding an

aggressor whose credibility has not been demonstrated.

We believe rather that the Republic of Bosnia and

Herzegovina is the one that deserves reparations and

should be rewarded for accepting the peace plan advanced

recently by the five-party Contact Group — a plan

rejected by the Serbs. Through its President, Mr. Alija

Izetbegovic, the Republic of Bosnia Herzegovina also

accepted the proposed postponement of the lifting of the

arms embargo against it for another six months, a position

that indeed warrants appreciation by the international

community and all peace-loving nations.

7

With regard to the situation in Afghanistan, we are

deeply concerned over the escalation of fighting between

the parties to the dispute. We appeal to all Afghan factions

to put the national interests of the Afghan people above all

other considerations by putting an end to the fighting

among them, pursuant to the provisions of the Mecca

agreement of 1993.

Among the appalling developments in Rwanda this

year were the dreadful massive massacres committed in

tribal strife within the nation. For our part, we support the

efforts exerted by the international community with a view

to repatriating the refugees and displaced persons and to

putting an end to the tragedy resulting from the civil war.

As far as the Cyprus question is concerned, we are

interested in seeing the obstacles to settlement removed.

We are deeply encouraged by the good offices of the

Secretary-General and hope they will lead to a solution that

may be satisfactory to both communities, especially now

that both sides have declared that they accept, in principle,

a set of confidence-building measures.

In a few months, we shall see the dawn of 1995. In

that year we will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the

United Nations. Although the Organization coexisted with

political polarization during the cold-war era, the peoples

and Governments of the world continued to be loyal to it

for five decades. They are now counting on the

Organization to contribute to the formulation of a new

world order for the future. To that end, it behooves us as

Member States to make available to the Organization the

capability and the necessary means which would enable it

to face all the challenges ahead. The Organization should

develop itself into an effective instrument capable of coping

with global changes. A number of important steps should

therefore be taken, including above all gaining the support

of the Security Council for the desired reforms. The

growing number of Member States and the emergence in

the international arena of new influential Powers justify

such reforms.

It should be noted in this respect that a growing

number of Member States have begun in recent years to

assume effective roles in the work of the Organization and

to contribute to the maintenance of world peace and

security. Proceeding from this, Bahrain looks forward to

contributing to such efforts should it be elected to a term

on the Security Council.

The ability of the United Nations to prevent disputes

and to maintain world peace depends greatly on the

credibility of the principles of the Charter, which should,

as a basic rule, guide the discussions and decisions of the

United Nations, and particularly of the Security Council.

If it is perceived that application is selective, credibility

will suffer and the moral authority which is a basic

feature of the Charter will be weakened.

Notwithstanding certain failures, the many great

successes the Organization has achieved in many parts of

the world deepen our conviction that the United Nations

an indispensable guarantee for a future in which our

hopes for international peace and security will be fulfilled.

As it approaches the end of the twentieth century,

mankind longs for a world in which international relations

will be governed by the principles of equality, justice and

the renunciation of the use or threat of force. Mankind

longs for stability and peace based on solid foundations

of understanding, good-neighbourliness and non-

interference in internal affairs as a means of consolidating

the ideals of justice, security and peace amongst all

nations.