Afghanistan, 1997

Let me impart at the

outset the sad news I received early today of the aerial

bombardment by the Taliban of the city of Mazar-i-

Sharif, the sixteenth consecutive bombardment in just two

days. These bombardments have taken as many as 150

lives among the civilian population of the city, mostly

women and children. I express outrage and condemnation

at this cowardly act of terror, which typifies the Taliban’s

gross violation of international humanitarian law and their

relentless belligerence against every norm recognized by

the world today.

I stand before the Assembly and the world

community in the tradition of past Afghan

representatives — with the exception of those during the

years of occupation — representing an independent,

sovereign and non-aligned Afghanistan.

One year ago, our Foreign Minister, the late Abdul

Rahim Ghafoorzai, stood on this podium to explain the

dark and ominous movement known as the Taliban,

which — backed by foreign forces — had invaded

Afghanistan. Tragically, Mr. Ghafoorzai died in the

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service of his nation. So today it is my duty to stand before

the Assembly to explain the struggle the Afghan people

have waged against these mercenaries.

When the Taliban entered Kabul on 27 September

1996 their first act was to storm the United Nations

complex. The past 12 months have seen a seemingly

endless series of edicts issued by the Taliban in areas of

Afghanistan that they claim to control. Under those edicts,

they have in fact imprisoned every woman and terrorized

every man.

Their latest ignominious act has been to arrest Emma

Bonino, the European Union Commissioner for

Humanitarian Affairs, her aides and a group of visiting

international journalists, including CNN’s Christiane

Amanpour. Outraged by the Taliban’s act, the German

Foreign Minister, Mr. Klaus Kinkel, said that he considered

it a slap in the face and an act of “cynical disregard for the

entire European Union”. The group was eventually released,

but not before at least two of its members were beaten with

the butt of a Kalashnikov rifle. Ms. Bonino told Reuters

that the experience had given her a taste of what Afghans

go through every day under the Taliban.

“This is an example of what people here go

through every day: in a situation of random terror.”

[Reuters News Wire, “EC commissioner released by

Taleban,” 29 September 1997]

An Afghan quoted in The New York Times of 24

September 1997 stated,

“Most days I wake up thinking we’d all be better off

dead than under these fanatics.”

These are just a couple of facts to open a small window

onto the gloom and despair facing our people.

As this terror continues in Afghanistan, we are here

today to discuss the Afghan question, which is now an

international issue.

As the crisis in Afghanistan continues to unfold, we

must ask — and answer — important questions, questions

to be answered particularly by those who, under the guise

of neutrality, equate the aggressors with the victims of

aggression. Those questions are: Who is following the rules

of the civilized world? Whose actions warrant recognition?

Who deserves to participate in civilized discussion at a

global level?

On the battlefield, we continue, of course, to defend

ourselves and our nation. In this imposed war, we are

taking what we consider to be the moral high ground of

negotiation and dialogue.

The Islamic State of Afghanistan — like many

others in the world, including some prominent Pakistani

politicians and commentators — still identifies Pakistani

intervention and interference in the internal affairs of

Afghanistan as the root cause of the prolonged conflict

and the subsequent suffering of our people.

Pakistan constantly alleges that the Taliban control

two thirds of Afghanistan, including Kabul, where peace

prevails. Mr. William Maley, the renowned Australian

expert on Afghanistan, stated earlier in the year that the

Taliban brought peace to Kabul in the same sense that

Hitler brought peace to Warsaw.

On 7 August 1997, Mr. Gohar Ayub Khan, the

Foreign Minister of Pakistan, said:

“In Afghanistan ... the majority in the country is

Pakhtoons, who are 60 per cent. The other groups,

including Uzbeks, Tajiks, Hazaras and Ismailis

collectively, constitute about 40 per cent.”

The Pakistani Foreign Minister is blatantly inventing

fraudulent statistics to fuel the flames of ethnic hatred and

conflict in Afghanistan and to justify Pakistani objectives.

No valid statistics could claim that any ethnic group in

Afghanistan — Pakhtoon, Tajik, Uzbek or other —

constituted more than 37 per cent of the population. If

Pakistan continues its irresponsible policy of perpetrating

ethnic hatred in Afghanistan, a consequential escalation of

“ethnic cleansing” will threaten the national unity of our

country.

Pakistan maintains that it has no favourites in

Afghanistan. The reality is that the Pakistani

establishment has designated one group of Afghans to be

the natural rulers over all the rest and conceivably to turn

Afghanistan into a subservient protectorate State.

The reality was best expressed by Fred Halliday, an

international affairs specialist at the London School of

Economics, who wrote last November:

“The capture by Taliban guerrillas of the

Afghan capital, Kabul, however short- or long-lived,

has come after two years of one of the most

obnoxious interventions by one State in the affairs of

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another in many years. Reported in the West as an

indigenous struggle, in fact Pakistan set up the Taliban

as a semi-regular fighting force in 1994 ... providing

them with ... guns, money, fuel and technical support

... Since its creation in 1947, Pakistan has harboured

the goal of dominating its northern neighbour.” [The

Nation, “Kabul’s Patriarchy with Guns”, 11 November

1996, p. 19]

And, finally, the Pakistani Government, by proposing

the dubious “vacant-seat” formula for Afghanistan, strives

to expel from the United Nations a country that has been a

member of this global body since before the birth of

Pakistan.

My delegation is grateful to the Secretary-General, Mr.

Kofi Annan, for having summarized the tragic situation in

Afghanistan in his address to the fifty-second session of the

General Assembly on 22 September 1997.

According to General Assembly resolution 51/195 B,

which was adopted unanimously on 17 December 1996, and

fully supported by the Islamic State of Afghanistan, the

Assembly is

“Strongly committed to the sovereignty,

independence, territorial integrity and national unity of

Afghanistan”. [resolution 51/195 B, seventh

preambular paragraph]

The General Assembly also stressed

“the importance of non-intervention and non-

interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan”.

[ibid., sixteenth preambular paragraph]

Unfortunately, since last year the supply of weapons and

ammunition from abroad has massively increased and

constitutes a very important programme of action by the

powerful Pakistani intelligence service, Inter-Service

Intelligence (ISI).

The situation has also worsened with regard to what

the resolution called

“actions undermining the security of State frontiers,

including the growing illicit traffic in arms and

narcotics by criminal elements and groups from

[Taliban occupied] areas of Afghanistan and ... the use

of [occupied] Afghan territory for the training and

harbouring of terrorists”. [ibid., eighteenth preambular

paragraph]

It is amazing that some of the countries that consider

terrorism a threat to peace should nonetheless — while

claiming impartiality — favour the rejectionist Taliban by

equating them with the Government of the Islamic State

of Afghanistan, which shares the mounting concerns of

the General Assembly in this matter.

With regard to the peace process, we share the view

that

“the main responsibility for finding a political

solution to the conflict lies with the Afghan parties”.

[ibid., paragraph 2]

The Taliban, however, favoured, encouraged and assisted

by the cross-border political and military support,

consider their only responsibility to be the waging of an

aggressive war aimed at conquering the whole of Afghan

territory by crushing all resistance movements.

The Taliban’s intransigence and disregard for United

Nations General Assembly and Security Council

resolutions calling for a peaceful settlement of the Afghan

problem are a fact well known to the international

community. The report of the Secretary-General dated 16

March 1997 indicates that:

“The Taliban, judging both from their words and

from their activities on the ground, appear

determined to gain military and political control of

the whole of Afghanistan and to establish their

vision of an Islamic State”. [A/51/838, paragraph 7]

The Secretary-General’s report (A/51/929) of

16 June 1997 equally illustrates Taliban’s choice of the

military option and its intention to overrun the country by

force. This utterly bellicose position of the Taliban, while

prolonging the suffering of the Afghan people is

aggravating the concerns of the countries in the region,

which views it as a serious threat to the region’s peace

and security. It is worth mentioning that the Taliban’s

aggressive attitude is encouraged by military intelligence

services of neighbouring Pakistan, which still hopes to

install a puppet regime in Kabul, subservient to its

expansionist and hegemonic desires. The dull-minded

interventionists should read the history of Afghanistan

once again and learn from the defeat of previous

aggressors in this homeland of dauntless and courageous

people.

We are fully aware

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“that a cessation of armed hostilities ... and political

stability are indispensable if reconstruction measures

are to have a lasting effect”. (Resolution 51/195 A,

eighth preambular paragraph)

The Taliban have expressed no interest in the urgently

needed reconstruction of the country. In fact, starvation by

blockade is their favourite weapon against Afghans.

We express our full

“support for the continuing efforts of the United

Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan” (Resolution

51/195 B, thirteenth preambular paragraph)

led by Mr. Norbert Holl, and the special assignment on

30 July 1997 of Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi as Special

Envoy of the Secretary-General to assess the situation and

the role of the United Nations in Afghanistan.

We reaffirm the full support of our Government for

the

“activities of the United Nations Special Mission to

Afghanistan, in facilitating ... in cooperation with

[neighbouring and] interested States and international

organizations, the political process towards the goals

of national reconciliation and a lasting political

settlement with the participation of all parties to the

conflict”. (ibid., paragraph 5)

Because of the shortage of time, I am omitting some

paragraphs from my prepared text.

The Taliban have refused to negotiate any political

settlement and have insisted on a unilateral military

solution.

The Islamic State of Afghanistan honours

“its commitments regarding the safety and full

freedom of movement of United Nations personnel, in

particular the personnel of the United Nations Special

Mission, as well as the security of their premises in

Afghanistan.” (ibid., paragraph 7)

Recently, however, as a result of the disturbances

brought about on 14 September 1997 by Taliban

infiltration, the premises belonging to international aid

agencies and non-governmental organizations in the city of

Mazar-i-Sharif were plundered. This city was previously a

haven of peace and security. The Islamic State of

Afghanistan remains committed to the safety of the

United Nations personnel and the personnel of other aid

agencies in Afghanistan.

The Islamic State of Afghanistan, in the light of the

mounting needs of the Afghan people, appeals to all

donor agencies not to abandon Afghanistan, particularly

in the face of the upcoming harsh winter.

Security Council document S/1997/588 of

25 July 1997 explains the Islamic State of Afghanistan’s

agreement to a Declaration of the United National and

Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan, the

foundation for an enlarged body representing all ethnic

groups from all over Afghanistan. The Declaration

addresses an appeal in favour of the peace process to the

Taliban and the Pakistani Government.

We favour

“An immediate and durable ceasefire among the

Afghan parties, to be supervised by a commission

composed of representatives of all the warring

parties, facilitated by the United Nations”. (ibid.,

paragraph 8)

One of the most important elements in the General

Assembly and Security Council resolutions on

Afghanistan is the call for

“demilitarization of Kabul, with adequate safeguards

to ensure security and public order”. (ibid.)

The Islamic State of Afghanistan considers this point to

be very important. It could constitute a credible precedent

that could be applied in the future in other parts of the

country.

The

“establishment of a broad-based and fully

representative authoritative council” (ibid.)

as required by the General Assembly resolution, will be

feasible if the appeal of the United Front inviting the

Taliban to join the Front is heard. The Islamic State of

Afghanistan, in this regard, extends its full cooperation to

the United Nations. It is imperative to secure the

agreement of the Taliban with the United Nations and to

ensure its full cooperation with such a broad-based

authoritative council.

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We are ready to cooperate for the creation of

“a national security force to provide for security

throughout the country and oversee the demobilization

of all the warring parties through the collection and

safeguarding of all heavy weapons in the country, and

to stop the flow of arms and of equipment related to

arms production to the parties”. (ibid.)

We are grateful to the leaders and Governments of the

central Asian republics of Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and

Turkmenistan for their respective proposed peace initiatives,

as well as to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Apart from

supplementing each other, these initiatives may be

coordinated so as to lead to the convening of useful

negotiations with a specific agenda under the auspices of

the United Nations. The proposals, however, thus far have

not been accepted by the Taliban.

The General Assembly deplored

“the civilian casualties inflicted by the indiscriminate

use of landmines.” (ibid., paragraph 11)

The Taliban have recently spread landmines in and around

the northern city of Kunduz. This is only one example of

Taliban mass use of landmines.

The Islamic State of Afghanistan shares the General

Assembly’s deep concern over and denunciation of

“the discrimination against women and girls and other

recurring abuses of human rights in Afghanistan ...

emphasizing the importance of democracy and of the

realization of human rights in any future political

process in Afghanistan”. (ibid., ninth preambular

paragraph)

Mr. Lloyd Axworthy, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of

Canada, said in his statement of 25 September in this

Assembly:

“Canadian women, appalled at the treatment of their

sisters in Afghanistan, have started a letter-writing

campaign. I will be delivering some 5,000 letters

today to the Secretary-General, which call on him to

take the lead in exposing the gross human rights

violations of women in Afghanistan as unacceptable in

the eyes of the world’s citizens.” [See Official

Records of the General Assembly, Fifty-second

Session, Plenary Meetings, 12th meeting]

We draw the attention of the General Assembly to

the recent document (A/52/384) containing the

Declaration of Principles made by the United Islamic and

National Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan, adopted

on 20 September 1997 by the Islamic State of

Afghanistan. The Declaration, systematizing a political

framework for the country, contains the following

principles: first, the principle of Islam; secondly, the

principle of independence and international cooperation;

thirdly, the principles of democracy and pluralism;

fourthly, the principles of election and delegation of

authority to local administration; and, fifthly, the principle

of human rights.

The General Assembly last year called on

“all States strictly to refrain from any outside

interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan,

including the involvement of foreign military

personnel”. (Resolution 51/195 B, paragraph 15)

Regarding the involvement of Pakistani military personnel

in Afghanistan, the Government of the Islamic State of

Afghanistan has transmitted amply documented

information to the United Nations.

The book, entitled The Not-So-Hidden Hand —

produced by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the

Islamic State of Afghanistan — has been distributed to

the members of the Security Council, some other

interested countries and the Secretariat of the United

Nations. This book — I will not go through it; it is a big

book — documents directly and proves the physical

presence of Pakistani paramilitary and military personnel

inside Afghanistan, fighting alongside the Taliban against

the Islamic State of Afghanistan.

The book includes, first, identification photos of

each Pakistani captive, prisoner registration forms with

detailed descriptions, fingerprints and other data

pertaining to each; secondly, identification cards taken

from some prisoners that illustrate their membership in

extremist Pakistani organizations responsible for terrorist

acts in South Asia, such as Anjuman-i-Sipah-e-Sahaba

Pakistan; and thirdly, correspondence from most of the

prisoners to their families in Pakistan, written mostly in

Urdu — the official Pakistani language, which is not

spoken in Afghanistan.

I should like to remind the Assembly that on 3 July

1997 Mr. Francis Okelo, the Deputy Head of the United

Nations Special Mission to Afghanistan, together with a

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United Nations military adviser, paid a visit to Maimana

prison in northern Afghanistan and verified the physical

presence of Pakistani military prisoners in the prison. And

The News of 6 September 1997 — printed in Islamabad —

contains an article entitled “Pakistanis in Masood’s captivity

plead for release”.

The General Assembly called upon all States

immediately to end the supply of arms, ammunition,

military equipment, training or any other military support

to all parties to the conflict in Afghanistan. Furthermore,

document A/52/403, dated 29 September 1997, confirms the

recent dispatch of some 600 additional military personnel

and that shipments of arms from Pakistan to Afghanistan

have significantly increased.

The General Assembly has reiterated that the

continuation of the conflict in Afghanistan provides a fertile

ground for terrorism and drug trafficking, which destabilize

the region and beyond. The United Nations Information

Service reported on 11 September 1997 a rise in opium-

poppy production in Afghanistan to 2,800 metric tons in

1997, an estimated 25 per cent increase over 1996.

Mr. Derek Fatchett, a Minister in Britain’s Foreign Office,

pointed out in The Guardian of 25 June 1997 that the

Taliban war chest is financed by drug money. Furthermore,

96.4 per cent of Afghanistan’s total opium production

originates in provinces currently under Taliban control,

according to the United Nations Information Service report.

Afghanistan, as a State party to the Convention for the

Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage of

23 November 1972, has recognized its primary duty to

ensure the identification, protection, conservation,

preservation and transmission to future generations of, inter

alia, the cultural heritage situated in the country. The

General Assembly has called upon all Afghan parties to

take appropriate steps to prohibit, prevent and, if necessary,

put a stop to any form of theft, pillage or misappropriation

of and any acts of vandalism directed against, cultural

property of the Afghan nation. The Taliban, however, on 17

April 1997, out of fanaticism expressed its intention to

demolish the two largest statues of Buddha in the world. In

spite of great concern by the Secretary-General and

Mr. Federico Mayor, Director of the United Nations

Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

(UNESCO), and many Buddhist leaders throughout the

world, the Taliban did not exhibit any change of attitude.

Fortunately, its military push was repulsed and the colossal

statues remain intact.

In this context, reference should be made to the

ancient artifacts plundered from the rich Kabul National

Museum. According to Pakistani press reports, the

artifacts have been added to the personal collections of

the former Pakistani Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto, and

the former Minister of the Interior, Nasirullah Babar. On

behalf of the people of Afghanistan, I call upon the

Pakistanis to return these irreplaceable Afghan artifacts,

which are also part of the world’s cultural heritage. I urge

UNESCO to investigate the matter.

I should like to announce that the delegation of the

Islamic State of Afghanistan, together with some other

countries of the third world, will co-sponsor the draft

resolution entitled “Towards a culture of peace,”

submitted under agenda item 156. My delegation also

supports the resolution of the Economic and Social

Council adopted in Geneva entitled “Proclamation of the

Year 2000 as the International Year for the Culture of

Peace”.

We want to establish the best fraternal relations with

Pakistan and other neighbouring countries. Afghanistan’s

pivotal location places it, as always, at the crossroads of

different corners of Asia. Naturally, no regional economic

cooperation — in the context of the transit of goods,

petroleum and natural gas — can succeed without a

peaceful Afghanistan enjoying administrative unity.

Afghanistan must cease to exist as a country of

confrontation, discord and clashes. Rather, it must turn

into a land of interrelation, association, joint action and

cooperation. This is the genuine desire of all patriotic

Afghans and of the true friends of Afghanistan.

Fifty-two years ago, the United Nations was founded

on the paramount ideals of a safer world and on

parameters of global peace and collective security. The

Foreign Minister of Italy, His Excellency Mr. Lamberto

Dini, said in his speech last week before the General

Assembly:

“We no longer live in a world of purely

national interests. More and more, policy-making is

informed by global concerns such as human rights,

solidarity and social justice. At the threshold of the

twenty-first century, let us pledge to settle religious

and ethnic conflicts through dialogue, tolerance and

cultural exchange, and to find collective answers to

international terrorism, organized crime, drug

trafficking and the degradation of the environment.”

Let me from this rostrum remind all of us here, as the

general debate draws to a close, that we must ask ourselves

about the level of our commitment to the implementation of

the ideals I have mentioned.