Greece, 1992

Allow me, first of all, to extend to

you. Sir, the warmest congratulations of the Greek Government on your election

to the presidency. Your personal qualities and diplomatic skill augur well

for progress on the work of this session. Moreover, we are especially pleased

to salute in your person the representative of a neighbouring country with

which Greece maintains long-standing relations of close friendship. I also

wish to pay tribute to your predecessor. Ambassador Shihabi, for the effective

manner in which he discharged his functions as President of the Assembly last

year.

Allow me also to point out how impressed the Greek Government is by the

way the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, has

been discharging his duties since he took office at the beginning of the

year. We are absolutely certain that he will continue his work with the same

dynamism and diplomatic dexterity, for the benefit of both the international

community and this Organization, which has grown since the General Assembly

last met a year ago.

Let me also join other representatives in welcoming the new Members that

have been admitted to the United Nations as independent States, namely

Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Georgia, Kazakhstan,

Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, San Marino, Slovenia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and

Uzbekistan.

The admission of these new Members is a renewed expression of the desire

of our Organization to welcome in its midst all those States that undertake

the commitment to adhere to the purposes and principles set out in the United

Nations Charter.

Earlier this week the Foreign Minister of the United Kingdom, in his

capacity as President of the Council of the European Community, delivered a

statement on behalf of its 12 Member States. My Government fully subscribes

to the contents of that statement.

Greece is firmly committed to, and fully supports, the process of

European integration. We believe that the economic and political union we

agreed on when we adopted the Maastricht Treaty last year will strengthen

progress and enhance prosperity not only on the European continent, but also

in all the countries the Community is trading with. Greece was among the

first European countries to ratify the Maastricht Treaty, and we are happy

that the French people as well ratified the Treaty at the referendum of last

Sunday. Allow me to note that the "yes" vote in the Greek Parliament was

overwhelming 286 positive votes out of a total of 300 deputies voting - and

is indicative of the extraordinary degree of unanimity of the Greek people

concerning the position of our country for a united Europe.

I have the honour to stand before this Assembly as the representative of

a nation that is now completing a year-long celebration marking 2,500 years

since our ancestors first invented a form of government called in Greek

demokratia. which in rough translation means "rule by the people": democracy,

which was destined to become one of the most outstanding contributions of

Greece to the collective heritage of mankind and a cornerstone of world

civilization. We Greeks felt happy and, allow me to say, proud a year ago, as

we saw democracy and its twin principle, freedom, gaining ground throughout

the world and consolidating its presence in countries where totalitarianism

had long held sway. In welcoming new members to the community of free

nations, the Greek Government expressed the hope that the post-cold-war world

would be based on the principles of democracy and freedom, on respect for

human rights and fundamental freedoms, and on the rule of law.

That hope was expressed a year ago. Can we now, a year later, ascertain

the extent to which it has been met? Admittedly, a year's time is too short

to allow a conclusive judgement, but the events of the last 12 months offer

some evidence of the direction in which the world is moving. And, I must say,

the evidence available is not as encouraging as our expectations were. In

fact, we have witnessed developments that threaten the fragile positive trends

we had begun to see. We have seen peoples that gained their freedom and

independence taking the path of nationalism. Signs abound that we are

entering a dangerous and unpredictable world situation, where conflicts,

extreme nationalism and tensions of a new nature are erupting, and where the

clash of interests could take the place of the ideological confrontations of

which we have had bitter experience in the past.

In spite of the comfort of being safe at last from the threat of nuclear

annihilation since the recent enormous strides in disarmament, in some areas

the world seems to be moving into a state of uncontrolled proliferation of

conventional arms and civil strife. In some cases, that civil strife seems to

be on the brink of spilling over and becoming a threat to regional and

international peace and security. To make matters worse, the weak economies

of many developing countries remain in the grip of a deepening crisis, while

growing poverty, and in certain cases even hunger, is becoming a menace to

recent gains in democracy. And the environment continues to deteriorate at an

alarming pace.

Faced with such a situation, the world community has to react

collectively. And as it is the United Nations that embodies the collegiality

of the world community, it is incumbent upon it to devise ways and means to

help humanity deal with the situation. In this respect, the nations and the

peoples of the world are fortunate in that, with the cold war behind us, the

paralysis that had for a long time plagued our Organization has now

disappeared. The United Nations is now indeed showing signs that it is

willing to live up to the expectations placed in it.

A series of actions is being undertaken to deal with the major problems

confronting humanity now. In this context, earlier this year, the United

Nations Conference on Environment and Development, the largest summit ever

held, met at Rio de Janeiro. Next year we will see the Second World

Conference on Human Rights. In 1994, population and development will be dealt

with. In 1995, the World Conference on Women will take place. Finally, a

world summit for social development has been proposed.

But the first in this series of actions was taken last January and

directly concerned international peace and security. The Greek Government

welcomed the convening of the Security Council at the summit level to reaffirm

the world community's devotion to the principle of collective security and to

the settlement of disputes in accordance with the principles of the United

Nations Charter, and to consider anew the means by which collective security

can be upheld through the Organization.

Greece has also welcomed the document entitled "An Agenda for Peace", on

preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping, issued by the

Secretary-General in response to a request made by the members of the Security

Council at their January summit meeting. I take this opportunity to express

our appreciation to the Secretary-General for a document of vision, lucidity

and challenging ideas. We in the Greek Government have studied it with great

interest and are looking forward to participating in the fruitful debates that

are bound to follow in the various bodies of our Organization.

We are pleased that the Secretary-General sees the concepts of preventive

diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping in their proper perspective within

the larger concept of peace and security that goes beyond the military sphere

and encompasses social and economic factors, primary among which is the

enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

We are also encouraged that the Secretary-General has not failed to

emphasize the importance of democracy not only within nations but also among

the family of nations.

The perception of selectivity in the application of the principles of the

Charter must be avoided if the moral authority of the United Nations is to be

maintained. This is particularly urgent now that the enforcement capability

of the Organization is being enhanced and put to use. Enforcement without

moral authority is coercion and tyranny. Smaller nations need to be reassured

that no Power will succeed in usurping the moral authority of the United

Nations and using it for the advancement of its own interests.

It is the fervent hope of the Greek Government that the current turbulent

situation will prove to be only a brief transition and will soon be replaced

by a spirit of international cooperation and solidarity. The deployment of

common efforts for the maintenance of international peace and security through

preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and peace-keeping are an indispensable

manifestation of such international solidarity. The other two foundations on

which this solidarity must be based are respect for human rights and

fundamental freedoms and a common concern for the protection of the

environment.

The subject of human rights is, of course, not new. We rejoice that the

European Community has time and again emphasized that respect for, and

promotion and safeguarding of human rights is an essential element in

international relations and, therefore, one of the cornerstones of cooperation

and of relations between the Community and its member States and other

countries.

The expression of concern about human rights violations can no longer be

considered mere interference in a State's internal affairs. Established

principles governing relations among States - such as non-interference in the

internal affairs of other States and respect for the national sovereignty of

States must accommodate efforts by the United Nations and by regional

organizations to protect the human rights of individuals and social groups

that are threatened in particular States.

A few words about Greece's relations with its neighbours and the state of

affairs in our region.

We have repeatedly and officially stated that Greece has no territorial

claims whatsoever against any of the countries neighbouring ours. We offer

our friendship to all of them and we hope, indeed we are certain, they will

reciprocate. We maintain the best possible relations with our Balkan as well

as our Mediterranean neighbours.

Regarding our relations with Turkey, we consider that it is of primary

importance for Greece and our neighbour Turkey that our two countries display

the necessary will and imagination to create a climate of mutual confidence,

security and stability which will redound to the benefit of the Eastern

Mediterranean in general and our two peoples in particular.

Greece believes that it is high time for our two neighbouring States to

find the way, on the basis of international law and international conventions

and treaties, to establish closer relations, compatible with the requirements

of the Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter

of Paris, as well as with the expectations of our peoples, dictated by

geographical proximity and by common interests. This intention, our political

will and our sincere desire have been repeatedly stressed by our Prime

Minister, Mr. Mitsotakis, who has already met with the Prime Minister of

Turkey, Mr. Demirel, four times this year, while I have had the opportunity to

speak in the same spirit to my Turkish counterpart, Mr. Hikmet Cetin, with

whom I have already met three or four times. We, for our part, laid emphasis

on the fact that the problem of Cyprus, which exercises a negative influence

on our bilateral relations, should at last find a proper solution on the basis

of all relevant United Nations resolutions.

I should like to remind the Assembly that despite coordinated efforts the

problem remains unresolved. Cyprus continues to be divided and a large part

of its territory is still under Turkish occupation. The other consequences of

the 1974 invasion, such as those of the refugees, the missing persons, and the

continuing efforts to change the demographic structure of the island and to

plunder of Cyprus' cultural heritage, still exist and constitute the main

elements of the tragic reality of this Mediterranean island, an integral part

of the European family and a State Member of this Organization. In this

respect, the report of the European Commission of Human Rights published on

2 April 1992 sets out the violations of human rights in Cyprus, concerning

missing and displaced persons, separation of families, deprivation of

possessions and so on.

Despite the present status quo in Cyprus which the most recent Security

Council resolution explicitly characterizes as not acceptable we, together

with the international community, look forward to the systematic efforts of

the Secretary-General with the active support of the five permanent members

of the Security Council to bring about a just, a viable and a functional

solution to the Cyprus problem.

In this respect, we note that the Secretary-General's set of ideas,

including the map attached thereto, which was initially discussed last July

and August, with special emphasis on the territorial, refugee and property

issues, should form the basis of negotiations during the follow-on talks

scheduled to be resumed in New York in late October.

We urge Turkey to use all its decisive influence on the Turkish-Cypriot

side to ensure that it approaches the talks in a constructive manner which may

well contribute to the solution of the problem and the elimination of a real

anachronism in today's Europe.

In conclusion on this subject, I wish to stress once again that the just

settlement of this problem would greatly benefit relations between our two

peoples and our two countries. Moreover, it would also constitute an

important element of Turkey's aspirations to its European orientation. We

have been trying, most emphatically, to make it clear that it is our will to

establish the most friendly relations with our neighbour Turkey. I do not

think that the international community would be proud if it were to leave this

problem, which has been dragging on for over 18 years, unresolved.

The situation in the Balkans remains a cause of major concern to all.

The Yugoslav crisis continues to constitute a potential danger for

destabilization of the whole Balkans and a danger for peace and security in

the wider area. Greece, as a Balkan country, naturally is directly concerned

and, therefore, from the very beginning of the crisis has not spared any

effort to achieve a speedy and negotiated solution. The convening of the

London Conference under the co-chairmanship of the European Community and the

United Nations represents our only hope for a lasting settlement. We wish to

reiterate here our full support to the chairmanship of the Conference, to

which we are ready to offer all our assistance.

The Assembly should send a clear message to all former Yugoslav parties

that there can be no alternative to a negotiated solution of the crisis and

that the international community is determined not to recognize any

fait accompli created by force. We believe that no single party is to blame

for the current crisis and its horrors and that all share part of the blame.

In any event, we must act swiftly to stop the war before it is too late, for

the dangers of spill-over of the crisis are real.

Any form of military intervention in the former Yugoslavia is highly

inadvisable. We have cautioned against it because we consider the staging of

a war to stop another war absurd and self-defeating. Indeed, if a majority of

other States were to decide on some form of military intervention in

Yugoslavia, Greece would in no way participate. All States - and mainly

Balkan States - that neighbour the former Yugoslavia, and all States with a

special interest in the area, should in any case be excluded from such

action. Otherwise, the enmities, the mistrust and the rekindling of bitter

memories of the past will be a source of persistent bitterness and instability

for generations to come.

We want the Balkans to be an area of peace and we wish to avoid a return

to the time when they were known as the powder-keg of Europe. We want good

relations with all our Balkan neighbours. We are ready to support them

economically and also to facilitate the development of their relations with

the European Community. We have no claims against anybody and we expect them

to have similar motivations toward us. It is for this reason that, as regards

the former "Yugoslav Federal Socialist Republic of Macedonia", we have

actively and consistently advocated full compliance with the Lisbon

Declaration of the European Community, according to which that Republic should

be recognized under a name which does not include the term "Macedonia".

Otherwise, we will surely have sown the seeds of future tensions and

conflicts in the area and we will have jeopardized the ability of the peoples

of the Balkans to live and coexist peacefully together. Our insistence on

this point is not only an emotional or sentimental matter, now is it only a

matter of historical accuracy. It is, more than anything, a matter of

political realism. The usurping of a Greek name and of ancient Greek emblems,

combined with constitutional provisions insinuating territorial expansion, is

nothing if not a clear indication of territorial claims. If we allow this

policy to be pursued we shall condemn future generations for we shall be

forming the nucleus of friction for some time to come.

Having said that, I wish to make it quite clear that we have never

harboured any enmity towards this nascent republic. Even when, recently, we

reluctantly had to discontinue fuel exports there, in order to counter

unjustified, unfounded accusations that Greece was circumventing Security

Council resolutions 713 (1991) and 757 (1992), we never interfered with the

supply of food and humanitarian aid. As a matter of fact, exports of fuel

supplies have already been resumed now that the European Community has adopted

new regulations to ensure the movement of goods towards the former Yugoslavia

that safeguard the effectiveness of the United Nations embargo.

The arms embargo should also be reinforced with respect to all sides and

an effective mechanism for its control should be put in place.

Concerning Kosovo, which is a particularly sensitive, potentially

dangerous area, we should encourage the Serbian Government and the ethnic

Albanians to pursue a serious and open dialogue within the framework of the

London Conference with a view to reaching an early solution to the problems of

this area. We maintain that a status of autonomy, without any change of

frontiers, would satisfy all concerned.

The international community must also be alerted to the various reports

from many parts of the former Yugoslavia concerning atrocities. It should be

made clear to all those who are responsible for such acts that they will be

held personally responsible. This is a point about which my Government feels

particularly strongly.

The easing of international tensions with the end of the cold war

provides new possibilities and resources for development. Our immediate

objective should be to restore growth that would not irreparably destroy the

air, the rivers, the forests, the oceans or any other part of nature. The

United Nations Conference on Environment and Development held at Rio de

Janeiro last June has raised high hopes that the consensus which has emerged

and which strikes a balance between environment and development will be

sustained. At the same time, we note with great satisfaction that a political

consensus is growing concerning the fundamental relationship between

pluralistic democracy, respect for human rights, and development as an

equitable and sustainable process.

Now that the end of the cold war has raised the hopes of millions, a

system of collective security is envisaged to preserve world peace and

stability and to provide a new vision of development very much along the lines

of the Charter of the United Nations. Economic and social development is not

possible without peace and stability, which are prerequisites and not

substitutes for development. The last 18 months have witnessed profound

historic changes in the world economy. A large part of the world remains in a

state of transition and uncertainty while it is being transformed

fundamentally. The Secretary-General has offered us a new concept of

integrated development no longer based on the traditional strict

differentiation among political, economic and social issues. In his

introductory remarks to the high-level segment of the Economic and Social

Council, he argued in favour of an integrated approach to global issues under

which the United Nations system, through preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and

peace-keeping will bring its political influence to bear on the solution of

economic and social issues. This approach is best suited to the Organization

because it will secure "a unit thrust" in all the activities of the United

nations system through enhanced coordination of agencies.

The recently concluded Conference on Environment and Development held at

Rio de Janeiro is a first example of this approach. A conceptual bridge was

crossed there. We hope that fundamental principles agreed on at Rio de

Janeiro will be translated into concrete action.

The world economic situation presents an uneven and variegated picture.

In countries where there is a movement towards a market system, economic

difficulties are increasing, exacerbated by new assertions of nationalism, as

well as by ethnic and religious challenges, which threaten social peace and

the cohesion of States.

In the developing countries growth remains on the whole sluggish, while

there has been great diversity in performance among them. Moreover, the

problems which plagued the developing world in the 1980s still persist. As

pointed out in the World Economic Survey. 1992. world production fell in 1991

for the first time since the Second World War, and the recovery that was

beginning to take shape appeared to be exceptionally weak. The Uruguay Round

of trade negotiations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)

remains stalled. Financial assistance for development purposes is still hard

to come by, while developing and other countries must complete painful

adjustment programmes. High inflation, large-scale deficits, debt burdens and

lack of adequate investments have not yet shown signs of improvement.

Furthermore, economic hardship has given rise to fanaticism, unchecked

migratory movements, civil strife and criminal acts. Development continues to

be the most serious challenge of all countries.

The world economic situation provides an opportunity for a strengthening

of the role of the United Nations system as regards enhancing international

cooperation for development. The important political changes of the last two

years and the integrated nature of political, economic and social issues call

for the United Nations to play a major role in shaping the directions of

social and economic development.

Progress in the regional conflicts that have been on the agenda of our

Organization has again been uneven. Peace in the Middle East remains

elusive. The most important element of the Middle East problem is the

Arab-Israeli conflict. Two of the most ancient peoples in the world, each of

which has made outstanding contributions to the common heritage of mankind,

have for decades confronted each other, seemingly unwilling to accept for the

other what each demands for itself, that is, the right to exist within safe

and recognized borders, the right to a homeland, and the right to take charge

of its own destiny. However, the events of the last 12 months seem to

indicate that each side may now be prepared to accept for the other at least

part of what it demands for itself. And this development, although in itself

not sufficient for the solution to the conflict, does seem to justify the

judgement that the chances for peace are better now than they were a year ago.

I wish in this connection to pay tribute to the commitment and

perseverance of the sponsors of the peace process launched in Madrid in

October 1991, as well as to the wisdom and courage displayed by the parties

directly involved. It is the fervent hope of the Greek Government that the

new Israeli Government, as well as the Arab parties involved, will seize the

opportunity to work together towards a comprehensive peace.

No one can dispute today that apartheid is an unacceptable political

system that has to be eradicated in all its forms and practical consequences.

Furthermore, the international community and the main political leaders in

South Africa are committed to the creation of a united, non-racial and

democratic South African society through peaceful means and through

negotiations involving all parties concerned.

However, the recent wave of violence in South Africa, which claimed many

innocent lives, seemed to pose a serious threat to the negotiating process,

and to undermine the results achieved so far. Greece firmly believes that no

effort should be spared to help South African society keep the momentum and to

continue building upon what has been achieved. Let us bear in mind that, now

more than ever, the new reality of intensified subregional, regional and

international cooperation in the political and economic fields points to an

important role for a new, democratic, united and non-racial South Africa.

In the Horn of Africa, in Somalia, a human tragedy of almost

unprecedented scale is unfolding. War, drought and the collapse of civil

authority threaten the very existence of the country: the physical

existence the lives of its people. Starvation has already claimed

thousands of lives.

We know, however, that the difficulties of the two regions I have just

referred to are only part of a more complicated, multifaceted structural p

problem faced by the whole continent of Africa in all fields of human

activity. We have to give all possible help to the countries of Africa to

solve their present problems and to undertake new efforts of cooperation and

integration which will foster development, peace and stability.

The Greek Government welcomes the positive results of the Helsinki summit

of 1992 in the framework of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in

Europe (CSCE) and attaches particular importance to the comprehensive nature

of the CSCE process, which brings together the Governments and the peoples of

Europe and those of the United States and Canada. The Helsinki follow-up

meeting provided an important opportunity for discussions on the future role

of the CSCE. In particular, the strengthening of its institutions is expected

to increase the effectiveness of the CSCE in the prevention, management and

peaceful settlement of disputes. The Concluding Document adopted at the

summit characterizes the CSCE as a regional arrangement in the sense of the

provisions of Chapter VIII of the United Nation Charter. In that way, the

CSCE process contributes substantially to the collegiality of the world

community and is therefore supported wholeheartedly by the Greek Government.

Although the international community has increased its cooperation in

combating drug abuse and the illicit production of and trafficking in

narcotics, this scourge continues to plague and undermine our societies.

Consequently, further intensified and more effective international cooperation

is required within the existing international and regional mechanisms provided

for by the United Nations and regional organizations.

My country, which lies at the crossroads of the world, continues to be

actively engaged in the fight against drugs. It is in the process of adopting

new legislation and policies to enhance its effectiveness in combating the

problem. Furthermore, we have increased our cooperation with all States of

our region with a view to adopting and implementing effective practical

measures against drug trafficking.

In conclusion, I should like to reaffirm my country's commitment to the

United Nations and to the spirit of international cooperation and solidarity

it embodies. We join forces with the other nations of the world and pledge to

make every possible effort for world peace and stability and for a humane

international community, on an enduringly beautiful planet.