Greece, 1999

I should like to express

my most sincere congratulations to Mr. Gurirab on his

election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this

session. It is significant that his country, which gained

independence as a result of the struggle of its people and

the successful efforts of this Organization, will be

presiding today over this Assembly and will, I am certain,

bring its work to a successful conclusion. I extend my

congratulations to his predecessor for the commitment

with which he conducted his duties. I express our

warmest support to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi

Annan, for his tireless efforts. He has used his competent

political skill, his moral authority and his deep knowledge

of the opportunities and limitations of his office to pursue

daunting tasks, often working against all odds.

My Government fully subscribes to the statement

delivered by Ms. Halonen, the Foreign Minister of

Finland, on behalf of the European Union, and to the

memorandum circulated by the Union.

Globalization in the field of information, ideas, the

economy, democracy and human rights has been the

dominant feature of the last years of our century. Some

people fear it; some try to ignore it; a few try to fight it;

others try to avoid it. Many welcome it as a creative

challenge. We Greeks are among the last category: we

thrive on openness, freedom of exchange, freedom of

thought, expression and inquiry. We speak the language

of dialogue, the language of ideas. That is our tradition.

We are proud of that tradition which sparked off the

Renaissance and supported the Enlightenment, whose

essence was captured by Immanuel Kant's motto sapere

aude: dare to think. Globalization challenges us to dare to

think the unthinkable in terms of sovereignty,

international relations and human rights. But that is not

enough: we know we must go beyond it; we must dare to

state a vision for our world; we must dare to hope.

We take heart that at the end of our century

democracy is being celebrated as the universal system of

political rule, the only secure basis for legitimacy in the

modern world. Experience teaches us that democracy not

only institutionalizes freedom but also brings prosperity.

Celebrated economist Amartya Sen has conclusively

proved that a democratic system of Government is no

obstacle to the creation of wealth: development does not

32

require an authoritarian ruler. Sen has observed that no

substantial famine has ever occurred in any country with a

democratic form of government and a relatively free press.

We take heart from the fact that more States claim to

be democratic now than ever before in human history, and

we are firmly committed to seeing this trend expand.

Slowly but surely, we are observing the globalization of

democracy, and we dare to hope.

Nevertheless, our challenges and political dilemmas

are formidable. We need to globalize peace. We watch in

awe as Israelis and Palestinians shake hands once again.

The peace might be local, but our pride is international.

Equally, when watching India and Pakistan, we dare to

hope for non-proliferation. We cringe as pictures of war

come out of Africa. We cannot hope for peace yet shut our

eyes to war.

We need to globalize human rights. Do we apply the

same standards everywhere, from Kosovo and East Timor

to Cyprus and Rwanda? We need to globalize our concept

of rights pertaining to human beings. We understand

multinationals that support human rights to protect their

investments, but who will protect individuals who seek

protection from the indignities of the world market?

We need to globalize ethics. From Kosovo to East

Timor we have bowed our heads, for we are still ill-

equipped to deal with global ethical dilemmas such as those

mentioned by the Secretary-General. Can human suffering

be subordinated to sovereignty? Can we afford to be

inconsistent in the application of military intervention? Is it

right to impose trade sanctions on Governments that violate

international rules, at the expense of their innocent

populations?

We seek to globalize values. Technological innovation

is calling into question some of our most deeply felt beliefs.

From cloning to brain transplants, scientists now face

dilemmas that have global implications. We must make sure

that fear does not inhibit scientific development, but also

that curiosity does not inhibit civility.

We need to globalize wealth. The growing gap

between rich and poor countries has marginalized a large

segment of the world's population and led to dangerous

social problems, from illegal immigration to drug

trafficking, terrorism, child labour and sexual exploitation.

In an effort to contribute what little we can, Greece decided

to increase its official development assistance by an annual

average of 27 per cent over a five-year plan, targeting in

particular sub-Saharan Africa.

How can we hope to face these challenges if the

people of this world do not share a basic education and

do not enjoy basic health? While the electronic media

have minimized the restrictions of borders in the transfer

of resources, wealth and information, democratic

institutions and social policies remain confined within the

borders of nations. We cannot wait for democracy to

spread at this pace: we need a faster cure. We need to

confront this global democratic deficit by supporting

global democratic institutions.

Beyond the globalization of democracy, I call for the

democratization of globalism. This is a vision worthy of

the United Nations. We seek a United Nations that is an

active centre for peace and justice, a centre for the

improvement of the life of each individual on this Earth.

We expect a United Nations to respond to our needs for

global ethics and global values. We believe in a strong

United Nations that will act swiftly and effectively against

those who wage war, harbour terrorism and destroy our

planet. We aspire to a United Nations which will become

the centre for democratic thinking and democratic practice

throughout our world.

May these United Nations, on our behalf, develop a

culture of dialogue and a dialogue of cultures. For this is

the essence of democratic politics: not a clash of different

civilizations, but an educative dialogue that allows all to

take part. We must educate each other to find peaceful

and democratic ways to confront our challenges.

This is a task for the United Nations. We yield to its

authority as the only forum able to democratize the

globalization process. We call for all Member States to

provide the United Nations with the authority and the

means to perform its duties. Greece will do so. As our

Ghanaian colleague said yesterday, we continue to ask

more of the United Nations, and yet we continue to

endow it with fewer resources. We feel that following the

important reforms of the Secretariat, the time has come to

expand this Organization's authority, responsibility and

budget. Do we dare allow this Organization to hope? In

Greece we do.

My country believes in strengthening the United

Nations, but it also believes in doing its own work, on the

ground, in the region. Uri Savir, the Israeli negotiator in

Oslo, has said that peacemaking is a gradual revolution

that moves from hostility to a desired conciliation, a

33

collection of moments in which a new trend is set in

motion.

Together with the International Olympic Committee,

Greece has proposed the creation of such a moment — a

global moment: we would like to see the revival of the

ancient Greek tradition of the Olympic truce. We hope that

this Assembly, which has unanimously endorsed that

project, will give its full support to the observance of the

Olympic truce during the games of the year 2000 in

Sydney, Australia, in Athens in 2004 and at all future

Olympics, so that the event may become a momentous

festival of excellence, cross-cultural dialogue and peace in

our global village.

From Cyprus to Bosnia, a “collection of moments” is

providing a ray of hope that, one day, a united Balkans and

South-Eastern Europe will belong to a united Europe: a

family of nations, a bouquet of cultures, a kaleidoscope of

ethnicities, where diversity is our strength and where

borders are so profoundly respected that they cease to exist.

Can we dare see that far? Do we dare not to? We dare to

hope.

Turning first to Cyprus: following the declaration on

Cyprus by the leaders of the Group of Eight and Security

Council resolutions 1250 (1999) and 1251 (1999) of last

June, there is hope that a new initiative may break the

deadlock. Just as we envision a multicultural Balkans, we

are striving to see Cyprus as a federal State with a single

sovereignty and a single citizenship, a united, demilitarized,

independent country with its territorial integrity safe from

encroachments and with no foreign troops on its soil. The

accession of Cyprus to the European Union would certainly

benefit both communities living on the island. We invite the

Turkish Cypriots, in the spirit of a newfound friendship

between Greeks and Turks, to grab this historical

opportunity. Let us break down the last “Berlin wall”,

which artificially divides those two peoples. Let us show

the world and our children that, yes, we can live together

in peace and harmony with respect for human rights and

democratic principles, within a wider European family.

The tragic events in Kosovo will be remembered for

acts of brutal ethnic cleansing and a military intervention

that ensued without the authorization of the Security

Council. Today, I encounter individuals who, under

pressure to “close the case of the Balkans”, opt to redraw

the maps, believing that ethnic isolation, constructing new

walls and barriers between our peoples of the region, will

solve our problems. But it can only compound our

problems.

I assure the Assembly that there is no short path, no

lazy road if you will, to lasting peace in the Balkans.

Consistent with our policy in our region is our belief that

borders are sacrosanct. But within them we must do our

utmost to protect minorities, democratic procedures and

human rights. We must strive to develop the three pillars

of the Stability Pact for South-eastern Europe: democracy,

security and reconstruction. We need to build democratic

institutions, judicial and financial systems, competitive

business and free media, things we often take for granted.

We need to be aggressive in ensuring that all forms of

likely threat to security within and among our countries

are dealt with directly, openly and with vigour. The

protection of minorities is of fundamental importance. We

need, as the Secretary-General has said, a new

commitment to the prevention of conflict. We need to

provide basic economic help that will fight against the

poverty and degradation that lead to ethnic and religious

fanaticism.

But more important, we need a total Balkan

approach. When I say “total”, I mean a coherent and

consistent approach by the international community. The

Balkans are badly served by mixed signals.

Greece has drawn for itself a creative and effective

role in the region. Greece supports all efforts to deepen

democracy in the region. A total Balkan approach to

democracy, security and reconstruction will pave the way

for our neighbours to enter the European Union.

Yugoslavia, of course, is also an integral part of this total

Balkan approach. So too are Greece's bilateral and

trilateral contacts of very close cooperation with Albania,

the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bulgaria

and Romania. We worked closely together during the

recent Kosovo crisis for stability in the region and in

providing humanitarian aid to Kosovo refugees.

We believe that in our region there are no good or

bad people, just good and bad practices. We have

delivered and continue to deliver humanitarian assistance,

as major humanitarian problems remain in many parts of

Yugoslavia, and peacekeeping forces. We have conducted

multilateral diplomacy, and we have promoted every

effort that adheres to principles I have just stated without

discrimination. Yes, in the total Balkan approach there is

room for both the Albanian and the Serbian people. We

ask them to dare to have a vision, the same vision: that,

one by one, each Balkan country will become part of a

united democratic Europe.

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If the road to peace is indeed made up of a collection

of moments, then I also dare hope for our relations with

Turkey. My Turkish counterpart, Ismail Cem, and I have

been engaged in careful diplomacy for many months. We

recently inaugurated discussion committees to address a

number of bilateral concerns, including trade, tourism, the

environment and security, where we feel our two countries

have much to gain from mutual cooperation.

Peoples' aspirations for the principles of democracy,

security and prosperity can overcome historical strife. In

this democratic spirit, we believe that our security is bound

by the stability in the region; that our neighbours' strength

is our own strength. From the outset, therefore, Greece

shared with Turkey the vision that one day Turkey would

become a worthy member of a united Europe. But we

recognize today that our role needs to be to lead the

process.

The terrible earthquakes that shook both our countries

have accelerated that process. Spontaneous and dramatic

acts of fraternity and solidarity between our citizens short-

circuited elaborate diplomatic strategies and exerted

powerful pressure on our Governments to move ahead

boldly. I for one shall never forget the sweat, the tears and

the genuine expressions of solidarity and friendship shared

by so many non-governmental organizations, and

particularly by Greek and Turkish rescue workers from the

Disaster Management Special Unit (EMAK) and the

Turkish Search and Rescue Team (AKUT), sifting through

the rubble of buildings destroyed by the earthquakes,

looking for survivors. These people did not wait for us to

act. Their actions globalize democracy, human solidarity

and peace.

That is one more lesson for democracy. International

relations, humanitarianism, peace and cooperation have

much to gain if we allow for citizens' diplomacy and give

our full support to constructive roles for non-governmental

organizations.

Building on this unique experience, in our first joint

act as members of this Organization, I join hands today

with my Turkish counterpart, Ismail Cem. I join hands with

him to announce to the Assembly the establishment of a

joint stand-by disaster response unit composed of

contingents drawn from governmental and non-

governmental agencies of both countries, Greece and

Turkey, to reinforce the United Nations capacity in this

field.

Let me take this opportunity to extend my heartfelt

condolences to the victims of the recent disastrous

earthquake in Taiwan, and to their families.

A comprehensive and methodical approach to

dealing with natural disasters is in line with the recent

statement by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, that

some major risk reduction and disaster prevention

programmes require levels of funding that many poor

countries simply cannot afford.

In this Assembly, great visions founded on a strong

sense of realism have helped to make the world more

democratic, safer, and a little less painful for those in

need. In Greece and south-east Europe, similar visions are

helping to build democratic institutions, cement peace and

pave the way to prosperity. There simply is no truth in

the saying that we in the Balkans are trapped, that we

have produced more history than we can consume and

that we are prisoners of past conflicts and hatreds. History

is not duress unless one makes it so. The challenge to

every new generation of Greeks, and the challenge to our

neighbours, is to learn from our history, and not to

become slaves to it. We are building a new collective

vision for the region, slowly but surely. We look forward

to the day when Belgrade and Pristina will be an easy bus

ride away, when Jerusalem and Damascus, Athens and

Ankara and, of course, the two parts of divided Nicosia,

will no longer be separated by fear and suspicion, but will

be joined in peace. Perhaps that day is still far away but,

as a Chinese proverb has it, a journey of a thousand miles

begins with one small step.

History is not compulsion unless one makes it so.

The challenge to every new generation of Greeks, the

challenge to our neighbours, is to learn from our history

rather than become slaves to it. We are building a new

collective vision for the region, slowly but surely.

We look forward to the day when Belgrade and

Pristina will be an easy bus ride away from each other,

when Jerusalem and Damascus, Athens and Ankara and,

of course, the two parts of divided Nicosia, will no longer

be separated by fear and suspicion, but be joined in

peace. Perhaps that day is still far away, but as a Chinese

proverb has it, a journey of a thousand miles begins with

one small step.

This step we dared take this year. We dared to

imagine the world at the end of a thousand miles. Rigas

Fereos, a prominent Greek revolutionary, wrote in a

constitution for the Balkans more than two centuries ago,

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“All should be equal with equal rights without

prejudice in the Balkans: Christian, Muslim and Jew,

Albanian, Slav, Romanian, Bulgarian, Greek, Turk,

Armenian, from Bosnia to Arabia.”

Today, 100 days before the next millennium, we

commit ourselves to keep walking in this direction of a new

hope and vision for our world. As they say in Latin

America, se hace camino al andar.