Greece, 1995

Allow me at the outset

to extend to the President of the General Assembly the

warmest congratulations of the Greek Government on his

election to the presidency at this historic fiftieth session,

which is a well-deserved tribute to his personal qualities

and his distinguished international career. I would also

like to thank His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy for the

highly constructive and efficient manner in which he

performed his duties as President of the General

Assembly during its forty-ninth session.

I wish to take this opportunity to address my sincere

congratulations to the Secretary-General of the United

Nations, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who is striving with

courage, energy, political will and vision for a new world

in which law and ethics will prevail, and for the

restructuring of the Organization, so that it may meet the

challenges of our time. He has our full support in his

efforts to fulfil his mission.

Let me also welcome Palau, the new Member that

has been admitted to the United Nations this year. Its

presence among us is a renewed expression of our

Organization’s desire to welcome in its midst all those

States that undertake the commitment to adhere to the

20

purposes and principles set out in the United Nations

Charter.

The Foreign Minister of Spain, in his capacity as

President of the Council of the European Union, delivered

a statement earlier this week on behalf of the Union and its

member States. My Government fully subscribes to the

content of that statement and of the memorandum of the

Union. I would like, however, to elaborate further on some

issues which are of particular interest to my country.

This fiftieth session of the General Assembly provides

us with an opportunity, not only for an annual exchange of

views between the States Members of the United Nations

on the state of international affairs, but also for the

celebration of a milestone in the life of the Organization.

This celebration should not, however, be just a token tribute

to the great undertaking of 50 years ago. It is only natural

that, on this occasion, Governments should endeavour to

analyse the successes and failures of the United Nations

over five decades, to ask themselves whether we have come

closer to fulfilling, in the practice of international relations,

the principles proclaimed in the Charter, and to look to the

years ahead in order to try to chart our new priorities in a

rapidly changing world.

This Organization was brought into being by the

vision, the hope and the determination of men and women

who experienced at first hand the lethal dangers of

nationalism, economic depression, lost freedom and

devastating war — men and women who realized the need

to create mechanisms that would allow States to embark

upon a collective effort in dealing with a wide range of

complex international issues.

Looking back over the 50 years since the guns of the

Second World War fell silent, one notes with satisfaction

the valuable work performed by the United Nations as a

forum for debate on matters of international concern, and

as a centre for harmonizing the activities of States in the

economic, social, cultural and humanitarian fields.

The United Nations has played a vital role as a

framework for the historical process of decolonization, by

securing international recognition for the new countries and

by helping them improve their economic and social

conditions. It has defined human rights for the global

community. It has defeated the shameful practice of

apartheid. It has provided the basis for an intensive

development of international law. It has monitored elections

in countries where elections have seldom been held. It has

assisted in the drafting of constitutions, and has trained

indigenous police forces. It has moved forward consensus

on global problems such as disarmament, the

environment, the status of women, human rights,

development and many other fundamental issues.

Furthermore, the specialized agencies of the United

Nations system have achieved major successes in their

different spheres of activity, and have provided invaluable

humanitarian and other assistance in distressed areas of

the world.

Despite this creditable record, it is the shortcomings

of the United Nations that receive the greatest attention.

I will certainly not argue that the achievements of those

past 50 years yield any ground whatsoever for

complacency. However, while disappointment has been

frequently expressed at the Organization’s performance,

no credible alternative is offered by those who criticize it.

Moreover, little regard is given to the innumerable

constraints under which it operates, as well as to the fact

that it can be only as effective as Governments allow it to

be. The United Nations has indeed structural deficiencies,

which it urgently needs to overcome. But it is too often

a useful scapegoat for the mistakes, the failings and the

unfulfilled promises of Member States.

The Secretary-General, in his highly acclaimed and

very timely report entitled “Supplement to an Agenda

for Peace'”, issued earlier this year, has underlined the

great problems presented to the United Nations by the

new generation of post-cold-war conflicts, for which the

Organization was obviously unprepared. He has pointed

out that, for instance, in the framework of its peace-

keeping activities, the Organization has had, in some

cases, to juggle efforts to combine mandates, including

the use of force under Chapter VII of the Charter, with

the basic principle of neutrality and impartiality of the

United Nations and the lack of adequate resources to

effectively implement that mandate. In the same context,

shortcomings in the unity of command which we have

witnessed in the case of some peace-keeping operations

have also contributed to undermining the effectiveness of

United Nations action.

The financial crisis in general has also been

particularly debilitating as regards the activities of the

Organization in all areas. The Secretary-General has often

questioned the credibility of those Member States that

support the ends, by actively participating in the decision-

making process, but not the means, by failing to pay their

assessed contribution. Nobody denies the fact that

considerable progress can still be achieved with regard to

21

the effective use of resources that are already available. But

unless the necessary financial means are provided, it would

be folly to expect miracles from the Organization.

Eliminating waste and inefficiency, through better

management and accountability, essential though it may be,

will never be a substitute for ensuring adequate and regular

funding.

The increasing resort to, and use, of sanctions regimes

has brought to light another series of difficulties which have

also undermined the credibility of the United Nations. As

the Secretary-General pointed out in his report, the

objectives for which specific sanctions regimes were

imposed and the criteria for their lifting have not been

clearly defined, or have seemed to change over time, as has

been the case for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

(Serbia and Montenegro) and Iraq. This situation is all the

more worrying because experience has proved that the

imposition of sanctions results in the infliction of

tremendous suffering upon vulnerable groups of the

targeted country, rather than in the modification of the

behaviour of its Government.

Furthermore, the role of those countries that shoulder

the main burden of the implementation of the sanctions

regimes, despite the considerable collateral damage which

they suffer in terms of economic and social costs, needs, at

last, to be appropriately acknowledged, for their

contribution to the maintenance of international peace and

security is, in some cases, no less important than that of

troop-contributing countries. It should be clear that if, in the

long run, the difficulties of those Member States that have

the misfortune to be neighbours of the targeted countries

are not dealt with in a satisfactory way, inter alia, through

the appropriate implementation of Article 50 of the Charter,

then general support for the use of sanctions as an effective

instrument will not be easily maintained.

Regrettably, one would have to acknowledge that the

primary purpose of the United Nations — that of

establishing a pattern of world order and international

security — has been achieved to a much lesser degree than

had been expected, or is indeed required by the growing

needs of the international community. The threat and the

use of force are still a recurrent feature of international

relations, contrary to the expectations raised in 1945. The

territorial integrity or the sovereign rights of States are

frequently threatened or compromised by the practice of

power politics, in contravention of the purposes and

principles that govern our Organization.

In this context, allow me to observe that a charter is

of value in so far as each member that subscribes to it

conducts itself in accordance with the commitments it has

undertaken of its own free will, without guile or

reservations. It is also of paramount importance that the

United Nations should not be perceived as resorting to

double standards when it comes to military aggression

and other blatant violations of international law.

The guiding principle of Greek foreign policy is the

establishment of good-neighbourly relations with all

countries of the region, on the basis of respect for

international law, national sovereignty and human rights,

and on non-interference in the internal affairs of other

States. This principle has always constituted the

cornerstone of our foreign policy and applies fully to our

relations with neighbouring Turkey. It is the sincere wish

of my Government that Greek-Turkish relations be

normalized, on the basis of the principles of international

law and the relevant international treaties, and in

conformity with the Charter of the United Nations, the

Helsinki Document and the Charter of Paris for a New

Europe. Greece has never raised any claims against

Turkey. On the other hand, we have made it absolutely

clear that we categorically reject any idea of

compromising our sovereign rights, which we are

determined to protect by all legitimate means.

Unfortunately, Turkey is following a different

approach in its policies vis-à-vis our country. To cite just

one example, I wish to refer to the resolution adopted on

8 June 1995 by the Turkish National Assembly,

authorizing the Turkish Government to use military force

in case Greece exercised its legal right to expand its

territorial waters to 12 nautical miles, according to the

United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The

said resolution was obviously endorsed by the Turkish

Government, since it was forwarded to the Secretary-

General on 23 June 1995 in a letter addressed to him by

the Permanent Representative of Turkey to the United

Nations.

Turkey is in fact attempting to intimidate Greece

into forfeiting a right acknowledged to all signatory

parties, by article 3 of the United Nations Convention on

the Law of the Sea of 1982, and already exercised by a

large number of States. Furthermore, it is beyond any

doubt that the above-mentioned resolution constitutes a

direct violation of Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter

of the United Nations, which stipulates that

22

“All Members shall refrain in their international

relations from the threat or use of force against the

territorial integrity or political independence of any

State”,

as well as of many similar provisions of international

treaties and conventions.

It is self-evident that an essential improvement of

Greek-Turkish relations presupposes a just and lasting

solution of the Cyprus question and the re-establishment of

international legality in Cyprus. Unfortunately, during the

last 21 years, the Turkish forces, defying a series of United

Nations resolutions, have occupied a large part of Cyprus,

despite the assiduous efforts of the Secretary-General. Their

continuing presence has resulted in the division of the

island by force, the brutal violation of human rights and

freedoms, and the systematic plundering of the island’s

cultural and religious heritage.

The Greek Government strongly supports the efforts

of the Secretary-General with a view to a just and viable

solution of the Cyprus problem, on the basis of the relevant

Security Council resolutions, including the most recent one,

resolution 939 (1994), which calls for a bi-communal and

bi-zonal federal State of Cyprus with single sovereignty and

international personality and single citizenship, with its

independence and territorial integrity safeguarded. The

Greek Government believes that the prospect of the

accession of Cyprus to the European Union, which was

further promoted by concrete actions taken by the Union in

the course of 1995, will create conditions that would make

it possible to tackle the current deadlock and, thus, assist

effectively the Secretary-General’s efforts for the reversal

of the unacceptable status quo.

One should also bear in mind that no progress towards

a settlement is possible as long as the Turkish occupation

forces remain on the island. The Greek Government

considers the proposal for the total demilitarization of the

island, put forward by President Clerides, as most

constructive. It also feels that it is imperative that countries

which are in a position to back the efforts of the Secretary-

General and wish to do so should exert the necessary

pressure so that the side which is responsible for the

impasse will be forced to abide by international law and

United Nations resolutions.

The signing of the Interim Accord, on 13 September

1995, in New York, constitutes an important step towards

establishing a new era in relations between Greece and the

former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. It also paves the

way for bilateral cooperation for their own benefit, as

well as for the sake of peace, cooperation, stability and

prosperity throughout the Balkans, which has been so

affected by the crisis in the former Yugoslavia.

We do hope that this preliminary significant step in

the relations between the two countries will lead to a

definite settlement of the dispute over the name, which

constitutes the main difference existing between them and

which will be dealt with in the context of further

negotiations, in accordance with the conventional

commitment of the parties concerned and the relevant

Security Council resolutions.

Greece attaches great importance to its relations with

Albania. For this reason, we constantly follow a policy of

good- neighbourliness and cooperation with that country

and continue to support, in many ways, its efforts to

promote political and economic reforms and thus

contribute to the establishment of a modern and

democratic society.

Greece has been offering substantial economic

support to Albania, which has enabled it to face the many

difficult problems that arose after the former regime was

overthrown. Today, Greek investments in Albania

continue to contribute substantially to the country’s

economic development and to the strengthening of its

social stability.

Furthermore, a large Greek minority lives in

Albania, contributing positively to the country’s

development. Under the previous regime, this minority

was subjected to persecution and harsh treatment. Greece

is convinced that the Greek minority in Albania

constitutes a bridge of friendship between the two

countries and helps further their rapprochement and

cooperation. For this reason, we believe that the human

rights of the members of that minority should be fully

respected, so that they are able to stay in their homeland

and live there in a safe environment. Moreover, they

should be proportionally represented in the administration,

the State institutions and the armed forces, and be

allowed to exercise their religious and educational rights

freely and fully.

Unfortunately, notwithstanding some improvements,

considerable restrictions continue to apply to the free

exercise of these rights, particularly in the field of

education. We sincerely hope that the Albanian

Government, in conformity also with its international

23

commitments, will secure full respect for the human rights

of the Greek minority.

During the current year, the tragedy of the former

Yugoslavia has continued to unfold relentlessly, imposing

tremendous suffering and hardships on the civilian

population. Greece, as a country neighbouring the former

Yugoslavia, has been directly subjected to the negative

consequences of this bloody conflict, as regards both its

economy and its security.

My country has always advocated that, as has already

been pointed out by the presidency of the European Union,

a fair and viable solution to the conflict in Bosnia can be

found only by political means, and not on the battlefields.

This is why from the beginning of the crisis we have

spared no effort to ensure that all the parties involved

moved in the direction of trying to promote a peaceful

settlement, in cooperation with our European partners and

Russia, which has played, and is to play, a significant role

in this issue. Furthermore, the Greek Government fully

supports the current diplomatic initiative and the ongoing

negotiating process based on the Contact Group plan.

Recently, there have been encouraging developments

regarding the future shape of things in the former

Yugoslavia. The parties have begun to show signs of

rapprochement and willingness to talk. Thus, we warmly

welcome the Basic Principles, agreed in Geneva on 8

September 1995, and the Further Basic Principles, agreed

three days ago in New York, which are very important

steps on the long and difficult road to peace. Much remains

to be done, but if the parties display the necessary political

will and with the assistance of the international community

a comprehensive and viable peaceful settlement should no

longer be a fictitious objective, whose attainment would

take a very long time.

Greece, for its part, is ready to contribute to the

fulfilment of this objective through the good relations that

it has developed with all the parties involved in the conflict.

Furthermore, my country, fully aware of the intricacies of

the Balkans and having actively participated in the

initiatives for regional economic cooperation, will do its

utmost, both on a national basis and in the framework of

the European Union, to promote efforts aiming at the

reconstruction of the former Yugoslavia.

Concerning the situation in the Middle East, Greece

considers as a matter of utmost importance the early and

unimpeded implementation of the recent Erez and Taba

Agreements and the speedy conclusion of the talks on

redeployment and elections, together with the solution of

the two outstanding problems, namely security for all, and

social and economic development.

We welcome the signature yesterday in Washington

by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)

of the interim agreement on the second stage of

Palestinian autonomy, which constitutes additional proof

of determination and political courage. We congratulate

the Israeli Government and Chairman Arafat on their

commitment to peace.

Greece believes that the international community

must exert consistent efforts, in which we are willing to

actively participate, aiming at the creation of a solid basis

for the political and economic survival of the Palestinian

National Authority, thereby providing a source of hope

for the Palestinian people.

Greece is of the view that the peace process could

be substantially promoted if the States of the region

directly involved in it joined forces with those actively

participating, and we welcome all recent indications to

this effect. The peoples of the region should be

guaranteed a secure life, within internationally recognized

and safe boundaries.

We urge the implementation of Security Council

resolution 425 (1978) on Lebanon.

Greece, which has actively participated in the Middle

East peace process since it began in Madrid, will continue

to offer full support and assistance to the bilateral and

multilateral negotiations towards a comprehensive, final

and just peace.

Greece believes that an increase in the number of

members of the Security Council has become an

imperative necessity. Such an increase, which should be

moderate so as not to undermine the effectiveness of the

Council’s action, must reflect the current number of

States that are Members of the United Nations, the

realities of the new international situation and an

equitable distribution among all existing regional groups.

While recognizing that any formal definition of criteria

for new permanent members could not be easily

formulated, we consider that new members of this

category should be selected from among States that exert

a major influence in world affairs and are in a position to

make an essential contribution to the maintenance of

international peace and security.

24

Greece welcomes the indefinite extension of the

Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the commitment made

by the States parties to its universalization and full

implementation. We emphasize the importance of

strengthening the review process and adopting a set of

principles and objectives for non-proliferation and

disarmament. We also stress the need to complete without

delay comprehensive and verifiable treaties to ban nuclear-

weapon tests and to cut off the production of fissile

material for nuclear weapons and other nuclear explosive

devices.

We are deeply concerned at the continued dangers

posed by the excessive transfer of conventional arms, and

we support putting the United Nations Register fully into

effect. Furthermore, the continuing injuries to civilians

caused by anti-personnel mines demonstrate the need to

strengthen multilateral controls in this regard.

Growing economic and social gaps breed violence.

The need to bridge the differences between rich and poor,

both between nations and within nations, is of the utmost

importance for our efforts and opportunities to preserve

peace. This fundamental truth was recognized and stressed

by the founders of the United Nations and, subsequently, by

all members of the Organization, who pledged to “employ

international machinery for the promotion of the economic

and social advancement of all peoples”.

In responding to the changing needs of the

increasingly interdependent world economy, we have to

reinforce the coherence and effectiveness of the competent

international institutions and to complete without delay our

consideration of the “Agenda for Development”, thus

setting out a new impetus to international cooperation in

this field and defining the particular contribution expected

of the United Nations system.

There is an increasing realization worldwide that in

major denials of human rights, which breed antagonisms

and deep resentments, there lie the seeds of international

discord as surely as in the clashes of economic rivalries and

territorial ambitions. In this regard, Greece strongly

condemns all forms of discrimination and intolerance, and

reaffirms its full support for the United Nations High

Commissioner for Human Rights and his coordinating role

throughout the United Nations system, as well as for the

strengthening of the Centre for Human Rights. The

principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

and also those of the Vienna Declaration and Programme of

Action, as well as of the other international acts and

instruments, should guide the actions of all Member

States in this respect on a daily basis.

Industrialization and the technological revolution,

while bringing benefits to the human race, have also

given rise to side effects, namely the problems of the

devastation of the natural environment. In this context, the

importance of meeting the commitments we made at the

1992 Rio Earth Summit, and the need to review and

strengthen them, where appropriate, cannot be

overstressed. Strengthening national institutions

responsible for environmental management, and

supporting international organizations that focus on

environmental issues, will be vital in maintaining and

increasing the momentum for the protection and the

improvement of the environment.

Troops and civilian personnel engaged in United

Nations peace-keeping and humanitarian activities have

been carrying out their most important tasks under

conditions of extraordinary personal risk, and very often

at the expense of their own lives. I would like to

condemn, in the strongest possible terms, the abhorrent

and unacceptable harassment of and attacks against

United Nations peace-keepers, to whose relentless courage

and determination we pay tribute. I should also like to

stress the need for measures which will ensure their

security, including the early entry into force of the

recently adopted Convention for the Safety of United

Nations and Associated Personnel.

These past 50 years of United Nations existence

have been a time of unparalleled human advancement and

of the fundamental enlargement of human expectations.

As I see it, it will be the principal task of the

Organization, which has done so much to give voice to

those expectations, to take the lead in bringing them ever

closer to realization.

Greece, as a small country, has always had a strong

vested interest in the strengthening of the common

capacity to deal with threats to international peace and

security and, in general, in the success of the United

Nations. The Greek people will always be supportive of

a collective approach to global and regional problems. For

my part, I can only reaffirm our resolve to extend our full

cooperation to the efforts of the Organization as it strives

for the realization of its noble objectives, and our

continued dedication to its purposes and principles.