Greece, 2009

On behalf of Her

Excellency the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the

Hellenic Republic, Ms. Dora Bakoyannis, who

unfortunately could not be in New York today, I would

like to address the General Assembly.

Allow me first to congratulate the President of

this body, Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki. I am confident

that his extensive prior experience will serve us well

and guide us through the trials that we are called upon

to address. I would also like to pay tribute to

Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann for his tireless efforts

to promote the work of the General Assembly during

its sixty-third session.

I cannot but take pride in addressing the General

Assembly of the most important ecumenical institution

humankind has ever created, the original idea of which

was initially conceived and put into practice by Greeks

25 centuries ago. The ancient Greek Amphictyony was

the precursor and matrix of the concept of

multilateralism, which is the only way to deal

effectively with the many and varied challenges faced

by the international community. The United Nations is

in fact, along with the various regional alliances and

organizations, the essential framework for joining

forces and collectively confronting our common threats

and promoting our common values.

Greece currently has the privilege of being at the

helm of one of the most important regional security

organizations, the Organization for Security and

Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE’s

consensus-based decision-making process, along with

its comprehensive approach to security, is a testament

to the power of multilateralism. Greece has pledged to

be an honest broker and to work with every single

participating State to realize the common vision for

peace, security and development for all 56 members of

the organization. The Corfu Process, our common

promise to turn the page on European security within

the framework of a structured all-inclusive dialogue,

proves once more that where there is a will there is a

way.

Indeed, our annual gathering at the United

Nations is important, but it is not enough. What is

needed first and foremost is the political will to turn

words into deeds. We stand at a most critical juncture

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for our environmental, social and economic future, and

all of us — policy-makers, diplomats, scientists,

activists and concerned citizens alike — have a

responsibility to preserve the habitability of our planet

and hand over to our children a better world than the

one bequeathed to us.

It was Aristotle who said that nature acts as if she

foresees the future, and currently nature’s auguries are

not encouraging at all. We cannot afford to forget that

our planet is in a state of environmental emergency.

Scientific evidence on the issue is compelling. The

socio-economic impact of climate change on the global

economy, if left unchecked, is likely to dwarf the

current economic recession.

Now is the time to speed up our joint efforts to

effectively address the negative impact of climate

change, while respecting the principle of common but

differentiated responsibilities and the respective

capabilities of each country. Copenhagen will be the

litmus test of our commitment to an ambitious, all-

inclusive climate change agreement.

The urgency of the situation is such that, if I may

paraphrase the man who first set foot on the moon,

even if man now takes a giant leap in trying to mitigate

the consequences of climate change, it will

unfortunately still only be a small step for mankind.

But small steps are important too. Greece continues to

strongly support the financing of climate change

adaptation and mitigation projects and of low-carbon

development strategies. We have repeatedly proven our

commitment to this effect by supporting the most

vulnerable countries’ adaptation to climate change

through the provision of a total sum of €21 million

through the end of 2011.

The challenges posed to all nations by the current

economic crisis require an ambitious and imaginative

range of responses that provide effective and lasting

solutions. The United Nations can play a vital role in

achieving these objectives. Our commitment to the

Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) needs to be

reaffirmed. Regenerating the world economy and

promoting sustainable pro-growth policies are

fundamental to solving the crisis and essential to

maintaining and improving progress towards the

achievement of the MDGs. Support for the most

vulnerable nations, which have been even more deeply

affected by food insecurity and climate change, is

where a special effort must be made.

Our action against hunger and want has not yet

produced the desired results, while humanitarian and

development aid needs to be streamlined in order to be

more effective and productive. Synergetic multilateral

action is urgently needed. People living on the edge

have run out of time. They need to know whether the

decisions of their leaders at the Pittsburgh summit are

the right decisions that will put us back on the road to

development.

We know that climate change, the economic crisis

and the North-South divide are exacerbating pressures

on people to migrate. These crises are creating living

conditions that contribute to one of the greatest

disgraces of humanity and one of the greatest insults to

human dignity — the modern slave trade or human

trafficking.

Some 192 million people have been forced from

the lands of their birth. Almost a million people have

been arrested since 2000 while trying to cross from

Turkey to Greece in their quest for a better life. This

modern form of the slave trade has claimed thousands

of lives. We owe it to them and to the people who have

lost their lives to change things, to fight traffickers and

work together to discourage illegal migration by

bringing development and giving a vision to countries

that migrants leave.

Athens will host the Global Forum on Migration

and Development from 2 to 5 November 2009. We seek

specific proposals for actions and policies and we want

to formulate best practices for adoption by the

participating States.

Terrorism continues to pose a serious threat to

international peace, stability and security. The

international commitment to confronting terrorism

must remain strong, and our efforts to successfully

address this challenge should be intensified. But if our

efforts are to be successful and self-sustaining, they

must garner the broadest possible consensus and

acceptance and be based on respect for the fundamental

principles of international law and international

humanitarian law and on full respect for and the

protection of human rights.

This brings me to an issue that has come to the

forefront of international attention and concern — the

issue of human rights. Respect for human rights is one

of the cornerstones of the contemporary legal order.

Human rights conventions and institutions have raised

the awareness and sensitivity of States, Governments,

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civil society, international organizations and

non-governmental organizations.

Greece has submitted its candidacy for a seat on

the United Nations Human Rights Council for the

period 2012-2015, as it wishes to play a proactive role

in the protection of human rights. We believe that the

Council can play a crucial role in the improvement of

the situation of human rights worldwide. That role

should not be restricted to pointing out the violators,

but should mainly help overcome shortfalls and

implement universal standards.

Interest in the protection of human rights must be

genuine and anthropocentric, and protection must be

carried out in full compliance with the fundamental

principles of international law and the Charter of the

United Nations.

We should award a special place to gender issues

in the system of human rights protection. Women’s

rights deserve all our attention, because they continue

to be violated systematically and flagrantly in many

corners of the world. Education and equal working

opportunities are key areas.

As I said earlier, Greece approached its current

term in office as OSCE Chair with a heightened sense

of responsibility and sensitivity, based on the belief

that security and stability are not and should not be a

zero-sum game. In the post-cold-war era, where

security challenges are multifaceted and interlinked,

the security needs of all States should be given due

consideration despite contradictory and often mutually

exclusive political perceptions of what is right and just.

Since January, our aim has been to build

consensus and achieve collective and comprehensive

solutions to deep-rooted and protracted conflicts,

convinced that enhancing the security of one will

undoubtedly enhance the security of all. Our efforts

have been based on mutual trust and confidence and on

the realization that security is both indivisible and

comprehensive. In some cases however, as in Georgia,

consensus has been elusive.

Our most important collective achievement has

been the launching of the Corfu Process, a profound

and open debate on the future of security in Europe.

The Corfu Process marks a pan-European effort to

revisit and redefine the broader European security

system. At the Athens Ministerial Meeting in

December, we aim to lay a solid foundation, so that our

dialogue will start producing tangible results.

A few days ago the Security Council adopted

resolution 1887 (2009), thus taking an important step

in the direction of advancing nuclear disarmament and

non-proliferation. We applaud that important decision.

Yet, practical tools are essential for the achievement of

high-minded political goals such as this. Greece firmly

believes that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons remains the cornerstone of the

nuclear non-proliferation regime. Broad participation

in it, along with the conclusion of comprehensive

safeguards agreements and the implementation of the

additional protocol, is, beyond any doubt, the most

effective answer to threats of nuclear proliferation. It is

equally important to have additional ratifications of the

Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the early drafting

of a fissile material cut-off treaty.

As regards major international and regional

issues, conflicts and flashpoints, Greece fully

subscribes to the European Union (EU) policy and

action, as described by its presidency. The role of the

EU in the handling of a number of urgent and difficult

situations, such as piracy in Somalia, has proved to be

vital, successful and effective.

The broader region of South-Eastern Europe and

the Eastern Mediterranean is at the forefront of Greek

foreign policy. It is a vital region from a geopolitical

and geo-strategic perspective, but also one of the most

volatile areas of the world. Our vision for the region

incorporates the consolidation of security, stability and

development. Our aim is to work with all neighbouring

States in the region to promote stability, democracy

and robust economies, with the ultimate goal of

elevating the quality of life of the citizens to the

highest European standards. This vision is founded on

four pillars: first, the establishment and safeguarding

of good neighbourly relations; secondly, the full

integration of all the countries of South-Eastern Europe

into European and Euro-Atlantic structures; thirdly, the

enhancement and further deepening of regional

cooperation in the fields of infrastructure, economy

and trade; and, last but not least, the strengthening of

bonds and cultural interaction at the level of civil

societies. We are doing everything in our power to

materialize this vision.

We continue to build upon the agenda of the

Thessaloniki European Council of 2003, which laid the

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foundations for the integration of the Western Balkan

countries into the European Union, on the condition, of

course, that the accession criteria and requirements are

fully met. The prospect of a future within Europe for

almost all the Western Balkan countries is now within

reach and seems more feasible than ever.

At the same time, Greece is promoting regional

cooperation by financing of and participating in

significant infrastructure projects, and by joining

forces with other neighbouring countries to establish a

reliable and adequate energy-distribution network. It is

one of the top investment and trade partners in most of

the neighbouring countries, thus contributing to the

development of the entire area.

Above all, we are working hard to establish and

consolidate good neighbourly relations by pursuing and

promoting the peaceful settlement of disputes on the

basis of international law. However, long-standing

disputes persist. For the past 15 years Greece has

participated in United Nations-led negotiations on the

issue of the name of the former Yugoslav Republic of

Macedonia. Greece has participated in good faith.

Regrettably, no substantive or tangible progress has

been made so far, despite the fact that Greece has taken

a huge step towards a compromise. We have accepted

the use of the term “Macedonia” along with a

geographical qualifier that reflects reality. Of the large

geographical region of Macedonia, only a part falls

within our neighbour’s territory. So how can this

country claim exclusive rights to the name? The

persistence of the leadership in Skopje in claiming

exclusive rights to the name by denying a geographic

qualifier and the anachronistic rhetoric and policies

that run contrary to the principle of good neighbourly

relations raise serious questions as to that

Government’s real motives. Greece is negotiating for a

solution that will respect the dignity of both countries

and both peoples. We are negotiating for a clear

solution to which both sides will agree and which our

neighbour will use with pride in its dealings with

everyone — a solution that will make everyone a

winner.

The Cyprus issue is still an open wound at the

very heart of Europe. Thanks to the efforts of President

Christofias, a new round of talks has started under the

auspices of the United Nations. This gives rise to hope,

but there is still a long way to go, and there are many

hurdles and difficulties to overcome. Greece supports a

definitive, sustainable and just solution, based on the

United Nations resolutions and compatible with

European Union values, principles and institutional

framework, one that will lead to the reunification of the

island. We strongly believe that the two communities

should be left alone, with no external pressures,

guidance or interventions, to decide on their common

future. The solution must be theirs and theirs alone.

Artificial deadlines, strict time frames and threats of a

permanent division have no role in the quest for a

durable solution. They add unnecessary pressure and

strain to the delicate negotiating process and raise

questions about the true intentions of those promoting

them.

The current situation in Cyprus is unacceptable.

Turkish military forces continue to occupy part of the

territory of a European Union member State. Turkey —

a European Union candidate — refuses to recognize a

fully fledged European Union member and future

partner. Once-vibrant cities like Famagusta remain

ghost towns. The families of missing persons continue

to wonder about their loved ones’ fates, while the

unspeakable atrocities of the past come to light, little

by little. This picture is unimaginable in the eyes of the

average European citizen and completely incompatible

with today’s European reality. We hope that the Cypriot

people — both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots —

will be able to leave behind the painful past and look,

reunited, to the future that awaits them within the

European family, which constitutes the best guarantee

for their security and prosperity. Turkey, which holds

the key to the solution of the Cyprus issue, knows full

well that such a solution would also speed up its own

journey to the European Union.

Greece is probably the most sincere supporter of

Turkey’ s accession to the European Union — and this

is true even at a difficult time. It is our conviction that

Turkey would be a better neighbour for Greece if it

carried out all necessary reforms and became a

European Union member State. Turkish membership

would contribute to stability in our region. Yet, this is

not a blank check, nor is it a leap of faith. In order to

become a member of the European Union, Turkey will

have to fulfil all the criteria set by the European Union.

The Government I represent has invested in

Greek-Turkish rapprochement. Kostas Karamanlis is

the first Greek Prime Minister to have paid an official

visit to Ankara in 40 years. We dared to turn the page.

We went beyond words, but we have not seen an active

response from the other side. Turkey declares that it

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wants zero problems with its neighbours. Yet, Turkish

fighter jets kept flying only a few metres above the

rooftops of Greek islanders’ homes throughout the

summer. The Turkish Parliament maintains a threat of

war against my country.

Disputes should be settled peacefully and in

accordance with international law. The United Nations

Convention on the Law of the Sea, which embodies

customary law, shows the way to settle maritime

boundary disputes peacefully. Greece would welcome a

decision by Turkey to follow the example of the other

160 Members of the United Nations that have ratified

the Convention. Such a move, along with clear

political will on the Turkish side to invest in friendly

relations with Greece, could strike a definitive blow to

the tensions and mistrust in our bilateral relations and

contribute to the promotion of peace and stability in

our entire region.

Aristotle proposed that it is possible to fail in

many ways, while to succeed is possible in only one

way. It is our conviction that this one way is effective

multilateralism led by the United Nations. We need the

leadership of the United Nations, if we are to carry out

our ultimate mission — safeguarding the dignity, lives

and freedoms of the citizens we represent. We need to

give the Secretary-General the tools to guide this

Organization, so that the United Nations can once

again take up its central role in international life and

meet the myriad challenges facing humanity. We have

to identify the weaknesses of the United Nations and

we must have the courage to redress them, using

common sense, just as we would do at home, in our

countries, because every failure of the United Nations

is a personal failure for each and every one of us, and

because the world is changing, and we have to change

with it.