Brazil, 2001

I greet you,

Mr. President, and pay tribute to the Republic of Korea,

which offers the world an example of dedication to the

cause of peace and development.

I reaffirm my admiration for Secretary-General

Kofi Annan, who, together with the United Nations,

was rightfully honoured with the Nobel Peace Prize.

More than ever, we need his clear vision and courage

in seeking to build a peaceful and democratic

international order that is based on solidarity. Only

fanatics fail to acknowledge the great mission

undertaken by the United Nations and by Kofi Annan.

In a tradition that extends back to the beginnings

of this Organization, the month of September in New

York is dedicated to a celebration of dialogue: the

opening of the general debate of this General

Assembly. It was not so this year. In New York as well

as in Washington, the month of September was marked

by the very denial of this dialogue and understanding

between peoples: the senseless violence resulting from

an odious and treacherous attack against the United

States of America and against all peace- and freedom-

loving peoples.

It was an infamous act of aggression against a

city that, perhaps more than any other, is a symbol of

cosmopolitanism; a city that has welcomed immigrants

from all parts, such as the Dutch Jews of Portuguese

ancestry who, in the seventeenth century, left Brazil for

what was then New Amsterdam.

New York has grown, prospered and reached

maturity guided by pluralistic values. It became great,

and was admired, not only because of its Jewish and

Anglo-Saxon heritage, but also because of its Arab,

Latin, African, Caribbean and Asian presence. The

attacks of 11 September 2001 were an act of aggression

against all of those traditions — an act of aggression

against humanity.

As the first head of State to speak in the general

debate at this session of the General Assembly, I wish

to be very clear. As I had occasion to say on the very

morning of those horrendous attacks, and as I have said

during my conversations with President George W.

Bush, Brazil extends its full solidarity and support to

the people of the United States in its response to

terrorism.

To our understanding, the American hemisphere

as a whole was attacked. That is why we suggested

convening the consultative organ of the Inter-American

Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance. Terrorism negates all

that the United Nations stands for. It destroys the very

principles of civilized behaviour. It fosters fear, and

threatens the security and peace of all countries.

The victims of any act of terrorism will not be

forgotten; nor will the perpetrators of such acts go

unpunished, whether they are individuals, groups or the

States that give them support. The march of folly will

be vigorously resisted by the solid alliance of all free

peoples.

The Charter of the United Nations acknowledges

the right of Member States to act in self-defence. That

is not in doubt. But let us keep in mind that the struggle

against terrorism cannot rely exclusively on the

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effectiveness of self-defence measures or on the use of

military force by individual countries.

In 1945, the United Nations committed itself to

the task of laying the foundations for peace and the

protection of future generations against the scourge of

war. War always takes a heavy human toll — a cost in

lives cut short and lives overtaken by fear and flight.

That underscores the responsibility of terrorists for

what is happening today. Brazil hopes that,

notwithstanding these circumstances, humanitarian

assistance efforts in Afghanistan will not be frustrated.

Furthermore, we will, to the best of our abilities,

welcome refugees wishing to settle in our country.

Certain things may be obvious, but they warrant

repeating. As Secretary-General Kofi Annan said, the

struggle against terrorism is not, and must never

become, a clash between civilizations, much less

between religions. Not one of the civilizations that

have enriched and humanized our planet has not

known, within its own historical experience, episodes

of violence and terror.

Around the world, problems related to crime,

drug abuse, drug-trafficking and money-laundering are

evils related to terrorism that must be eradicated. From

this rostrum, I would like to call for a worldwide public

awareness campaign to make drug users in all countries

realize that they are helping — even if inadvertently —

to finance terrorism.

If we are to stem the flow of resources to the

terrorist networks spreading death and destruction, it is

crucial that drug use in our societies be drastically

curtailed. Furthermore, we must not allow differences

in national tax regimes in various countries to be used

as an instrument to foster capital flight, to the

detriment of economic development, or to help finance

organized crime, including terrorist actions. If the

existence of tax havens is inseparable from these

problems, then tax havens should not exist. We must

put an end to such safe harbours for corruption and

terror, with regard to which some Governments have,

to date, been complacent.

It is only natural that, since 11 September, issues

of international security should have been given high

priority. Yet terrorism must not be allowed to stifle the

debate on cooperation and other issues of global

interest. The road to the future requires the forces of

globalization to be harnessed in the pursuit of lasting

peace — a peace sustained not by fear, but rather by

the willing acceptance by all countries of a just

international order.

On this theme, I have sought to mobilize

numerous world leaders. Brazil wishes to do its part to

ensure that the world does not squander the

opportunities that are contained in the present crisis.

Let us focus on our fundamental imperative of

promoting development. The process of globalization

is tainted by an undeniable sense of unease. I am not

referring to the ideological disquiet of those who

oppose globalization on principle or who reject the

very notion of universal values which inspire freedom

and the respect for human rights. Rather, I have in

mind the fact that globalization has not lived up to its

promises. There is a governance deficit in the

international sphere, and it results from a democratic

deficit. Globalization will be sustainable only if

enriched by a sense of justice. Our aim should be

“globalization in solidarity”, rather than the

asymmetrical globalization of today.

In the field of trade, it is high time that

multilateral negotiations were translated into greater

access for goods from developing countries to the more

prosperous markets. The ministers meeting in Doha

have a heavy responsibility: to ensure that the new

round of multilateral trade negotiations is a

development round. To this end, it is crucial for

priority to be given to those issues most conducive to

the dismantling of protectionist practices and barriers

in developed countries.

Brazil has taken the lead in negotiations to ensure

greater market access and better humanitarian

conditions in the fight against disease. We will seek to

strike a balance between the requirements of patent

rights and the imperative of providing care to those

most in need. We favour market practices and the

protection of intellectual property, but not at the cost of

human lives. This is a point that must be carefully

defined: life must prevail over material interests.

The Bretton Woods institutions must be revamped

if they are to respond to the challenges of the twenty-

first century. The International Monetary Fund must be

allotted greater resources so as to allow it to function

as a lender of last resort. The World Bank and regional

banks must be given a more active part in fostering

economic growth and development.

The volatility of international capital flows must

be contained and the financial system made more

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predictable and less crisis-prone, as proposed by the

G-20.

Similarly, although measures such as the Tobin

tax present practical difficulties, it should be possible

to look into better and less compulsory alternatives. I

submit that these issues should be given special

attention at the United Nations International

Conference on Financing for Development, to be held

next year in Monterrey.

We must also envisage practical forms of

cooperation to alleviate the tragedy of AIDS, above all

in Africa. How long will the world remain indifferent

to the plight of those who might yet be saved from

disease, deprivation and exclusion?

The twentieth century came to an end amid a

growing sense of global citizenship and universally

shared values. Brazil is determined to forge ahead in

this direction.

The International Criminal Court will be a

historic victory for the cause of human rights. The

protection of the environment and sustainable

development are equally pressing challenges of our

time. The process of climate change has been

scientifically ascertained as a fact, but it is not

unstoppable. What the future holds depends on what

we do today, in particular as concerns the Kyoto

Protocol.

(spoke in English)

I have just been informed of the successful

outcome of the Marrakesh meeting. Brazil warmly

welcomes this development, which is a fundamental

step towards controlling, and eventually reversing, the

warming of the atmosphere. I will submit to the

Congress a proposal for the prompt ratification of the

Kyoto Protocol.

(spoke in Portuguese)

Recent events in this city and elsewhere have

clearly demonstrated the grave threat posed by

weapons of mass destruction. No matter the nature of

the menace — be it bacteriological, such as anthrax;

chemical; or nuclear — there is no alternative to

disarmament and non-proliferation.

It is an ethical imperative that science and

technology must not be turned into a weapon in the

hands of the irresponsible. This requires the active and

legitimate involvement of the United Nations in the

control, destruction and eradication of these arsenals.

Just as it supported the creation of the State of

Israel, Brazil today calls for concrete measures towards

the setting up of a Palestinian state that is democratic,

united and economically viable.

The right of the Palestinian people to self-

determination and respect for the existence of Israel as

a sovereign, free and secure State are essential if the

Middle East is to rebuild its future in peace.

This is a moral debt owed by the United Nations.

It is a task that must not be postponed.

It is equally urgent that a lasting solution be

found to the conflict in Angola, which deserves the

opportunity to get back on the road to development.

This is the same future that Brazil wishes for East

Timor, which we hope will soon take its rightful place

in the Assembly as a sovereign state.

A strong and flexible United Nations is required

if the world is to respond to increasingly complex

problems. The United Nations will only be

strengthened if the General Assembly becomes more

active and more respected, and if the Security Council

becomes more representative. Its composition should

no longer be a reflection of arrangements among the

victors of a conflict that took place over 50 years ago,

and for whose triumph Brazilian soldiers gave their

blood in the glorious campaigns in Italy.

Brazil joins those who appeal for more

democracy in international relations in calling for the

enlargement of the Security Council. Common sense

requires the inclusion, in the category of permanent

members, of those developing countries with the

necessary credentials to exercise the responsibilities

that today’s world imposes upon them.

By the same token, Brazil believes that an

enlargement of the G-7/G-8 is called for in view of the

transformations the world is presently undergoing. It is

no longer admissible to restrict to such a limited group

of countries the discussion of issues pertaining to

globalization and its inevitable impact on the political

and economic life of emerging countries.

An international order that is more just and based

on solidarity will come about only through a concerted

effort on the part of the community of nations. This is

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too precious a goal to be left to the vagaries of market

forces or to the whims of power politics.

We do not aspire to a world government, but we

cannot sidestep the obligation to ensure that

international relations are not left rudderless, but

reflect the legitimate aspirations of the majority. The

nefarious shadow of terrorism points to what can be

expected if we do not enhance mutual understanding

among peoples.

This Organization was created under the sign of

dialogue — a dialogue among sovereign States that are

free nations, whose peoples actively participate in

national decision-making.

With their help, we can ensure that the twenty-

first century will not be a time of fear, but rather of the

flourishing of a freer humanity, at peace with itself, and

rationally oriented towards the building of an

international order that is acceptable to all peoples and

that provides a guiding framework for States at the

global level.

This is the challenge of the twenty-first century.

Let us face it inspired by the grand vision of the

founding fathers of this Organization, who dreamed of

a pluralistic world, founded on peace, solidarity,

tolerance and reason, which is the ultimate source of

the rule of law.