Turkey, 2013

I wish to start by extending our

sincere congratulations to Mr. John Ashe on his

assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly

at its sixty-eighth session.

At the dawn of the twenty-first century, we had

every reason to be optimistic about the future. With the

end of the Cold War, the moral balance of the world

shifted towards the pursuit of peace. A lasting peace

is far more than the mere absence of war. We, the

international community, understood the imperative of

working together for a stable world order. We maintain

our strong commitment to the universal principles of

the United Nations system and, in a spirit of solidarity

and cooperation, we develop effective international

responses to the scourge of terrorism.

Yet the most profound crises of our times have

been emerging from internal conflicts. Such conflicts

have been increasing in both frequency and magnitude.

They are largely driven by the problem of political

legitimacy, which leads the governed to withhold their

consent and limits the prospects for domestic order.

Leaders without political legitimacy share a common

delusion. Instead of reading the future and leading

transformation, they believe that they can buy time

with irresponsible actions against their own people.

Eventually, those domestic conflicts escalate into civil

wars, such as the tragedy we are witnessing in Syria.

The actions of those leaders have implications for peace

and security beyond their own borders. If some leaders

insist on defining their security in a way that inflicts

insecurity upon other nations there can be no collective

security.

Today regional and international peace and security

depend upon the maintenance of domestic order in each

individual nation. True domestic peace is the key to

regional and international peace and stability That is

a challenge that we will continue to face in the years

ahead.

We all know that no one holds a monopoly on

righteousness, yet I would like to touch upon the

function of the whole United Nations system. We all

need a strong, efficient and credible United Nations. We

need a United Nations fit for its purpose in confronting

current global realities. The United Nations of which

I speak should be a body capable of taking action to

maintain international peace and security. It should

be able to safeguard security, justice and the people’s

fundamental rights and freedoms. It should never forfeit

its prime responsibility for the sake of power politics.

We must realize that inaction by the Security

Council only emboldens aggressive regimes. We need

a United Nations capable of forcing the perpetrators of

brutal actions to submit to justice and the rule of law.

Only through such a United Nations can we achieve the

truly peaceful world envisioned by the Organization’s

founders. Yet as much as that remains a noble goal, it is

also an urgent necessity. Decisive action is the only way

that the United Nations system will remain relevant and

credible. To face that new reality, we need a Security

Council that is truly democratic, representative,

effective and accountable.

No issue facing us is more pressing than the

situation in Syria. Let me be clear. Turkey welcomes and

firmly supports the United States-Russian agreement

to eliminate Syria’s arsenal of chemical weapons. That

agreement has to be translated into a tangible Security

Council resolution. When Syria comes clean about its

arsenal, once and for all, it will be a relief for the Syrian

people and the region. As Syria’s neighbour, Turkey will

appreciate more than most the complete and verifiable

destruction of those weapons.

Nevertheless, we cannot forget that chemical

weapons were used against Syrian civilians only a

month ago. The perpetrators of that crime against

humanity must be held accountable and be brought to

justice. I also see the agreement on Syrian chemical

weapons as an opportunity. I hope it will be a first step

in the formation of a security architecture to ensure the

elimination of all weapons of mass destruction in the

Middle East.

Yet the recent approach to the situation in Syria

also raises difficult questions. Were it not for the use of

chemical weapons, would the international community

have continued to turn a blind eye to the deaths of more

than 100,000 people? For how long can we afford to

evade our moral responsibility to the people being

killed even as we speak here? The conflict neither

began with the use of chemical weapons nor will it

end with an agreement to eliminate them. We therefore

bluntly reject any position that is not troubled by the

killing of innocent people in itself, but only by the

means of such killing. Such an approach is immoral and

totally unacceptable. The agreement to destroy Syria’s

chemical arsenal must not allow the regime to avoid

responsibility for its other crimes.

Syria, a great country and a great nation, is

consuming itself. It is a disgrace that the Security

Council has failed to uphold its primary responsibility

in that case. It is deeply regrettable that political

differences, balance-of-power politics and geopolitical

considerations have prevailed over the imperative

to end the tragedy. Staying on this course cannot be

an option. When the tragedy began, we spoke of the

killing of hundreds of people, then thousands, then

tens of thousands, and now we speak of over a hundred

thousand deaths. If we cannot stop the conflict now,

rest assured that we will be talking about twice that

number next year.

I cannot emphasize this enough. Agreement on

chemical weapons must not be allowed to substitute

for a comprehensive political strategy to address the

situation in Syria. The conflict has evolved into a real

threat to regional peace and security. Any recurrence

of the proxy wars of the Cold War era will plunge Syria

into further chaos.

The continuation of the refugee crisis will pose

vital social, political and economic risks for the host

nations, as we have learned bitterly on many occasions.

We know that civil wars are among the most brutal. We

also know how they foster radicalism and extremism.

Once extremist groups take root in a State, they form

autonomous structures and become a real threat to

security, not only at home but also abroad. In the end,

dissolving such organizations presents the greatest

challenge to restoring security in a country.

We must be aware of the threat and realize that with

each day we lose in indecision, the more remote the

prospects for a peaceful Syria become. After the Syrian

people took to the streets against the regime, many

international statements were made to support their

cause, strong in their wording and promises. Those

apparent commitments raised the hopes of the Syrian

people. Yet many nations remained at a comfortable

distance, disturbed only by the horrible images from

Syria. Meanwhile, the Syrian people’s cries for help

went unheeded. What could match the Syrian people’s

disappointment as they suffered the worst massacre of

the twenty-first century as the international community

simply looked on.

That brings me to the question of what needs to

be done. There has to be a sound strategy with well-

defined and well-calculated objectives for a peaceful

solution. It has to aim to end Syria’s civil war, ensuring

the immediate safety and security of the Syrian people

and the country’s stable transition. The enforcement of

such a strategy requires a fully determined, committed

and robust international engagement — exactly what

has been missing since the beginning of the conflict.

In short, we cannot and shall not leave the Syrian

people to their fate. The burden of ending Syria’s

plight now rests on the shoulders of the international

community. Strong words of support must now be

matched by real deeds. We must be relentless in our

search for a new, stable, intact and secure Syria, at

peace with its people and its neighbours. To that end,

we must devise and enforce a political strategy led by

the Permanent Five and the neighbouring countries.

For the last three years, the Middle East has been

experiencing a remarkable era of social and political

change. The process of transformation begun in 2010

marks the end of the century-old, region-wide status

quo. Of course, there have been and will be waves

of reaction against the changes. Nevertheless, the

advances in the region, including in Tunisia, Libya and

Egypt, are irreversible.

Arab peoples are equally capable of building

pluralistic societies. Yet we should not expect the newly

emerging political systems to transform into mature

democracies overnight. It is only through slow but

steady democratic processes that societies will come to

understand the value of conciliation. The noble cause

of the Arab peoples deserves our full and unhesitating

support.

The continuation of the Palestinian question for

more than half a century has inflicted colossal damage

on the very concept of justice. The denial of the right

of the Palestinians to have a State of their own has no

justification on any moral, political or legal ground.

Despite insistent calls of the international community,

the continued expansion of the illegal settlements on

Palestinian land undermines the prospects for a two-

State solution.

The case for peace is self-evident. We therefore

welcome and strongly support the talks initiated

between the parties under the auspices of the United

States. The success of future efforts mainly depends

on the Israeli Government’s acceptance of the

establishment of a viable, contiguous Palestinian State.

There is also a need for the presence of a reconciled and

unified Palestinian front.

That brings us to another issue upon which our

credibility rests — the question of Cyprus. Repeated

attempts towards a peaceful settlement have ended in

failure, including the rejection of the Annan plan in

2004. Turkey, as a guarantor, is fully and sincerely

committed to finding a just and negotiated settlement.

We therefore expect the international community to

urge the Greek Cypriots to reciprocate by engaging in

result-oriented, time-framed negotiations in good faith.

Those who must solve this question are the Turks and

Greeks of Cyprus. They must start negotiating as soon

as next month, with no ifs or buts. The settlement of the

Cyprus question is essential to a stable and peaceful

eastern Mediterranean.

Frozen conflicts hinder effective regional

cooperation. We strongly urge peaceful resolution

of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict and achieving

sustainable peace in the Caucasus, based on territorial

integrity. We have proposed a comprehensive strategy

for regional economic cooperation and development,

combined with gradual withdrawal from the occupied

territories. We believe that can serve as a solid basis for

regional peace.

Another area where regional cooperation is in high

demand is the Balkans. In the last few years, Turkey has

bolstered its efforts to build strong ties with all Balkan

nations. Our objective is to create an atmosphere of

dialogue, trust, mutual understanding and conciliation.

We also have a dependable interest in a secure,

prosperous and peaceful Afghanistan. Here, too,

regional cooperation and ownership is a must. For that

reason, I have personally initiated and led the efforts

to establish the Trilateral Summit process among

Afghanistan, Pakistan and Turkey. Since 2007, it has

proven a real success, and I am confident that more

success will follow.

Another important issue that affects us all is

terrorism. It is real, extremely dangerous, and a crime

against humanity, and it must be defeated. We can defeat

it only when we get rid of “my terrorist/your terrorist”

distinctions. Effective international partnership against

terrorism remains a key priority for Turkey.

There is yet another issue that needs our attention.

Unfortunately, Islamophobia has become a new form of

racism. It aims to create an abstract, imaginary enemy

from the millions of peace-loving Muslims all over

the world. It is essential to strike a balance between

protecting freedom of expression and preserving

respect for faiths.

The current challenges of development are

matters of global concern. Turkey is now runing

a comprehensive assistance and direct investment

package for the world’s least developed countries.

Humanitarian diplomacy is a key objective of Turkish

foreign policy. In fact, Turkey became the fourth-

largest donor last year. Including the contributions of

Turkish non-governmental organizations in the fields

of health, education, and capacity-building, Turkey’s

humanitarian assistance totals $2 billion per year. Our

engagement in Somalia is an exemplary case. We have

allocated $300 million so far.

Our approach to Africa is one of equal partnership

and is best captured in the African proverb which

states, “If you want to go fast, go alone. But if you want

to go far, go together.” For Turkey, relations with Africa

remain a key priority.

Turkey is a candidate for a non-permanent seat

on the Security Council for the term 2015-2016. If

elected, Turkey will bring an independent voice to

the Security Council, one that listens to all and tries

to find comprehensive and lasting solutions through

dialogue. We expect the support of all Members for our

candidacy.

I believe that the new millennium is one in which

democracy, rule of law, respect for human rights and

global welfare will continue to expand. I believe that an

international peace shaped by freedom, justice, dignity,

social progress and economic welfare is within our

reach. We must join our strength to build an enduring

international order that is worthy of the principles of

the Charter of the United Nations. A stable, secure, and

prosperous world is the best way to secure and advance

all of our interests. Achieving such a world remains our

fundamental responsibility to our nations.