Ghana, 1992

It is a great pleasure and privilege for me to

congratulate you. Sir, in the name of the Ghana delegation, on the honour that

the Assembly has conferred on you by electing you to preside over the affairs

of its forty-seventh regular session. The cordial relations that exist

between our two countries give us added pleasure in your presidency. We

pledge you our support and cooperation during your tenure as President of the

most representative organ of our United Nations.

Permit me to express our gratitude to your predecessor,

Mr. Samir Shihabi, for the excellence that marked his stewardship. He tackled

his assignment with a steadfast sense of commitment, fully charged with a deep

awareness of the historic role that the General Assembly must continue to play

in the expanding importance of our Organization.

We salute the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his

energetic leadership. Within the short period since his assumption of office

he has demonstrated his remarkable skills as an administrator and as an

accomplished diplomat. We renew our pledge to support him in his difficult

and delicate task.

My delegation would also like to take this opportunity to extend a warm

welcome to the new Member States, whose presence among us further enhances the

universality of our Organization.

It was with deep regret and sorrow that we learned of the crash of a

Nigerian military aircraft and of a Pakistan International Airlines aircraft,

with such loss of life. Preliminary information indicates that among the

163 officers reported dead in the crash of the Nigerian military aircraft were

officers from other West African States, including Ghana. We share in the

grief at such a tragic loss. Our condolences go to the bereaved families of

these gallant men, who died in the course of service to our subregion. We

also wish to convey through you. Sir, to the people and Government of Pakistan

our heartfelt condolences on their tragic bereavement.

Once again we, the representatives of the Governments and peoples of the

United Nations, have assembled here to combine our efforts for the promotion

of peace and prosperity for all our peoples. The search for peace is part of

the eternal guest of humanity for a relationship in society that, though

recognizing differences and conflicts of interests, strives for their

resolution without resort to means that could destroy humanity itself. Twice

in recent world history this search has engulfed us in wars. Regrettably, the

period after the Second World War turned the quest into confrontation and

competition marked by unrestrained and costly acquisition of deadly arsenals

of war on the untenable assumption that peace could be guaranteed only by the

highest level of preparedness for war.

This untenable policy of deterrence overshadowed the real causes of

tension in society factors that, in the words of the Charter, have twice

"brought untold sorrow to mankind" and are at the root of conflicts that have

sent our Blue Helmets to the continents of Africa, America, Asia and Europe.

The world now stands on the ashes of the cold war, celebrating the end of

that war. Yet the harsh reality of our world, divided as it is between the

rich and the poor, the strong and the weak, has not been obliterated by the

ending of the cold war nor by the emerging new world order, the contours of

which are far from clear. In this uncertain new world order, we are told that

history must resume. Which history? Is it the history at whose hands vast

areas of our globe suffered so much, and from whose predatory effects we have

yet to fully recover as nations? Or is it the history that launched many of

us into freedom and independence?

Juxtaposed with the challenge of the reality of our world is a historic

and unparalleled opportunity to construct peace, not as an alternative to war,

but as the prerequisite for social progress and better standards of life in

larger freedom, anchored in faith, in true human rights, and in human dignity

and equality.

In the grim reality of our world, which has not been wiped away by the

end of the cold war, we would hear the anguished cries of the more than 30,000

children who will die today, largely from preventable intestinal disorders; of

the 2 million children who will die this year from vaccine-preventable

illnesses; and of the 5 million to 6 million people who will die this year

from diseases that the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) says could

almost certainly be prevented by the development of new vaccines. Four

million people will die by the end of this year, their pleas and those of

their nations for help to cure them of diarrhea ailments ignored. We would

also see the plight of the 1.3 billion human beings with no access to safe

drinking water and the 2.3 billion people world-wide who have no access to

sanitation services. We would see the 135 million human beings who live in

areas afflicted with desert conditions, particularly in Africa, where almost

nothing grows. We would also see that in that part of the world one out of

every five children dies at birth. For those who survive life expectancy

ranges from 42 to 63. During their short span on Earth many of these

relatively lucky ones will be uprooted from their homes by poverty, drought

and natural disasters, all compounded at times by rivalries that are ethnic in

character but emanate largely from quarrels over scarce resources.

These are but a few of the graphic and dehumanizing manifestations that

only partly reflect the world reality in which 70 per cent of the world's

income is produced and consumed by 15 per cent of the world's population

located in the industrialized countries. The World Bank forecasts that there

will be no significant upturn in this lopsided relationship until 1995 or well

beyond.

And the international community is not unaware of the factors that have

conspired to frustrate the efforts of developing countries. Falling commodity

prices, rising protectionism, huge agricultural subsidies, various price

support mechanisms and suffocating debt-servicing may now sound like

repetitive platitudes in some ears. But they are the realities that have

undermined the gallant efforts of the developing countries.

In Africa overall economic output continues to revolve around

3 per cent still lagging behind the population growth. The impact on

investment and growth of the structural reform programmes, which many African

countries continue to undertake, remains disappointing. Debt relief through

rescheduling has proved to be of little real benefit to African countries,

which continue to part with $10 billion a year on debt servicing alone an

expenditure that is several times higher than the expenditure on health and

education put together.

Prospects that such a dehydrating financial outflow would be contained by

increased aid infusion have proved illusory. In its annual report.

Development Cooperation 1991, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and

Development (OECD) has confirmed, though indirectly, the fears of the

international community that the preoccupation with developments in Eastern

Europe and the former Soviet Union would aggravate the marginalization of

Africa. According to the OECD, not only did aid from the former Soviet Union

and Eastern Europe to sub-Saharan Africa almost fall to zero, but also aid

disbursements to the same area from other countries remained stagnant.

In contrast, the OECD estimated that pledges from its members in November

1991 to Eastern Europe amounted to $45 billion as compared with its annual

official commitments to Africa of about $34 billion. Furthermore, at their

meeting in Munich in July this year, the Group of Seven industrialized

countries endorsed a package of financial assistance worth $24 billion to the

Russian Federation alone. It is of little wonder, then, that the World Bank,

in its report entitled African External Finance in the 1990s, foresees for

sub-Saharan Africa a financial shortfall ranging from $1 billion to $7 billion

by 1995. It is against this discouraging backdrop that my Government supports

not only the call for the write-off of debts by official creditors and

commercial banks, as well as by multilateral institutions, but also the

convening of the proposed international conference on the financing of

development, which assumes a new urgency in the face of these facts.

The end of the cold war has not brought peace to the world either. It is

true that the danger of nuclear holocaust has now receded into a very remote

possibility. But the world has not become any safer. In its "Jakarta

Message: A Call for Collective Action and the Democratization of

International Relations", the Non-Aligned Movement has aptly observed

"Simmering disputes, violent conflicts, aggression and foreign

occupation,-interference in the internal affairs of States, policies of

hegemony and domination, ethnic strife, religious intolerance, new forms

of racism and narrowly conceived nationalism are major and dangerous

obstacles to harmonious coexistence among States and peoples and have

even led to the disintegration of States and societies".

The disintegration and descent of Yugoslavia into a region of

instability, war, strife and misery is a source of concern to the people and

the Government of Ghana. Unrestrained nationalism that is projected as an

expression of the much-cherished principle of self-determination and the use

of force for the homogenization of populations are as unacceptable and as

warped as they are incapable of promoting peace in an ever-increasingly

interdependent world. Underlying such policies is the obnoxious element of

racial intolerance, which inexorably leads to racism and racial

discrimination. Ethnic homogeneity cannot, and should not, be a prerequisite

for coexistence in a civic society. Fundamental human rights, human dignity

and equality can be meaningful for man only in a society that respects the

worth of the human person, irrespective of colour, race, ethnic origin, creed

or sex. We condemn the notion of "ethnic cleansing" in the strongest terms

possible, just as the world has rejected and condemned every thought and

manifestation of racial superiority.

In our search for a new world order that emphasizes cooperation rather

than confrontation as the means to international peace and security, we have

to monitor developments carefully, if only to draw attention to threats to

peace. We are, therefore, disturbed by the increasing dangers to peace caused

by intolerance, xenophobia, racial and ethnic tensions elsewhere in Europe.

The raising of symbols reminiscent of an ignominious chapter of history, the

baiting of religious minorities, including the desecration of their tombs and

sacred places, as well as racial attacks, constitute inherent threats to

peace. While these manifestations may reflect the frustrations of those who

stand on the fringes of their societies marginalized, unemployed and

neglected the manifestations are none the less unacceptable. We therefore

call upon our Organization and individual Member States to redouble efforts in

promoting peaceful coexistence through respect for each other's race, colour,

ethnicity, religion and sex. My Government is ready to play its full part in

this renewed endeavour.

While my Government does recognize the complexity of the Middle East

crisis, we, nevertheless, regret that the hopes raised by the commendable

initiative launched last year by the United States for a lasting peace in the

subregion still remain only hopes. We urge all parties to be persistent and

cooperative in the search for peace. We also urge the United Nations to be

fully involved in the process so as to assure the speedy realization by the

Palestinian people of the full restoration of their rights and the attainment

of their self-determination in accordance with the relevant United Nations

resolutions.

The full restoration of Kuwaiti sovereignty and territorial integrity was

a reaffirmation of basic principles of inter-State relations. The time has

now come to bury the hatchet and enter a new era of genuine peace and

reconciliation. In that regard, it is our cherished hope that all States will

demonstrate respect for the principles of non-aggression, mutual respect and

non-interference in the internal affairs of others. Outstanding issues, such

as the question of Kuwaiti prisoners of war, must now be promptly resolved to

open the way for Islamic brotherhood, fraternal cooperation and solidarity.

Our Organization needs to remind itself that even though the conflict in

Liberia has been stopped from exploding into a major subregional crisis, it is

far from over. Now that the United Nations, particularly the Security

Council, has been able to define a role for itself in the Yugoslav situation,

it is imperative that our Organization assume its responsibilities in Liberia.

The developing countries of the subregion which have so far borne the weight

of the ECOWAS (Economic Commission of West African States) Cease-fire

Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) deserve the recognition, the encouragement, and the

material and financial support of our Organization. The active involvement of

the United Nations is now required to arrest the deteriorating situation,

brought about largely by the intransigence of one faction.

In our view, the involvement of the United Nations would, furthermore,

not only accelerate the peace process, but also facilitate the restoration of

peace and security in the entire subregion, enabling its countries to focus

their full attention on their economic and social development.

The pervasive breakdown of law and order in Somalia which is hampering

the peace process and relief efforts also deserves the attention of our

Organization. The people and Government of Ghana have heaved a sigh of deep

relief that at long last the Security Council has shown appreciation of the

serious threat that the Somalia situation poses to the political and economic

stability of the subregion and consequently to international peace and

security. The Security Council's handling of the Yugoslav situation should

encourage it to continue, in a more steadfast manner, its efforts in the

search for peace in Somalia. We also call upon the Somali factions currently

engaged in senseless fratricide to desist from placing obstacles in the path

of United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations in their efforts

to provide humanitarian assistance to the millions of starving Somali people.

We all continue to look on as the Government of Sudan seeks a military

solution to an essentially political problem in the southern part of the

country, thereby resulting in gross abuses of human rights, untold suffering

of the people and an unbearable refugee problem for neighbouring States. The

humanitarian dimension of this problem now calls for United Nations action.

Developments during the year have reminded all of us that determined

efforts would be required to complete the total political emancipation of the

continent of Africa. We regret the postponement of the referendum which was

to have been held in Western Sahara under United Nations supervision to

complete its decolonization. We urge the Secretary-General of the United

Nations, in cooperation with the Secretary-General of the Organization of

African Unity (OAU), to settle all questions of voter eligibility, delays in

the exchange of prisoners and the repatriation of bona fide Saharawis in order

to facilitate the task of the United Nations Mission for the Organization of a

Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO). The inability of the parties to

adhere to the implementation of agreements reached raises questions as to

their commitment to the peace process. We take this opportunity to appeal to

all parties concerned to cooperate fully with the United Nations and the OAU

to bring this chapter of colonial struggle to a close.

In South Africa, the international community had hoped that the

Convention for a Democratic South Africa would contribute to the introduction

of "profound and irreversible changes". In anticipation of the establishment

of an interim government and firm processes leading to a democratically

elected constituent assembly to draw up a constitution for a united,

non-racial and democratic South Africa, the General Assembly at its

forty-sixth session adopted a series of measures to encourage the racist

regime in its efforts to dismantle apartheid. Recent developments would seem

to confirm the view that De Klerk's Government is, on the contrary, pursuing a

double agenda in order to perpetuate the obnoxious system of apartheid.

Whilst posturing and stating its willingness to negotiate, it seeks ways and

means to entrench white supremacy. The Boipatong and Ciskei massacres are

disingenuous provocations of the racist regime designed to derail the process

towards the establishment of an interim government which would work out a new

constitutional framework. The white minority regime and its cohorts stand

accused of violence. They instigate and perpetuate violence against unarmed

peaceful protesters in an attempt to hold on to a moribund and unjust system

and to prevent the march towards a united, democratic, non-racial South Africa.

It is becoming clear that the international community relaxed its

pressure on the racist regime far too early and without due regard for the

warnings of the democratic forces of that country. It should, however, be

made clear to the South African Government that the programmed-management

approach to the lifting of sanctions is intended as a reaction to measures it

would take for the total elimination of apartheid. It should be stressed, in

this regard, that even the people-to-people sanctions would be re-imposed if

the Government does not abandon its stalling of the peace process.

History is littered with instances of situations in which desperation has

driven people to actions which have spilled over their narrow confines to pose

challenges and threats to others. Many peoples have waged heroic struggles to

overthrow the forces of tyranny and exploitation. In spite of the belief that

the Second World War was fought to end the threat to international peace and

security that a particularly racist ideology posed, the greater threat to the

common peace remains an international order that seems bent on denying many of

us our fair share of the very fruits of our labour in a truly free and

equitable market-place.

The world cannot be seen to be encouraging a policy founded on the

dangerous notion that it is only through military might that a sovereign State

can gain respect and acceptability in the international economic system

already dominated by a few.

Popular demands for changes in the world order that manifest themselves

as conflicts the world over cannot be contained by the dispatch of United

Nations peace-keeping forces alone. The people and Government of Ghana salute

the Member States of the United Nations, our distinguished Secretary-General

and his dedicated staff, and all who have been associated with the sterling

successes achieved so far. We share in their pride. But we need to be

reminded often of the self-evident truth that the presence of United Nations

peace-keepers does not by itself guarantee enduring peace. The harrowing

events in Bosnia attest to this. The peace-keeping presence does not even

directly contribute to the solution of the underlying problems that give rise

to the conflict or threat to peace. The United Nations peace-keeping role

should be seen for what it is: an invaluable contribution to containing a

conflict and to the search for a lasting political solution. An international

order that can be secured only through military presence or intervention is

clearly inadequate. It is a rather sad reflection on our search for peace

that as of the end of April 1992, close to $3 billion had been assessed on

Member States for peace-keeping purposes alone, while the United Nations

relatively neglected the economic and social underpinnings of most of these

conflicts and those yet to rear their heads.

The inability of the United Nations since its creation to respond

effectively to our Charter's injunction to combine our efforts to achieve

international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic,

social, cultural or humanitarian character deserves serious and careful review

now that the cold war has been pronounced over.

The relative inaction by the international community and within the

United Nations itself on the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of

Africa in the 1990s speaks eloquently of our misplaced emphasis in our efforts

regarding the establishment of a new world order. The opportunity presented

by the consensus General Assembly resolution 46/151 on the final review and

appraisal of the implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action for

African Recovery and Development 1986-1990, in which the international

community accepted the principle of shared responsibility and full partnership

with Africa, must be a spur to our good intentions, if the continent of Africa

is not to be condemned to a fate worse than that which it has been enduring

this last decade and a half. The unseemly wrangling, which turned into

disappointment for many, at the summit of the United Nations Conference on

Environment and Development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro over the transfer of

financial resources and technology to the majority poor, attest to an

insufficient appreciation on the part of many of the developed nations that in

the final analysis world peace depends on the economic and social well-being

of all peoples.

The statement that the Security Council adopted at the end of its

historic summit on 31 January 1992 represented as the Secretary-General has

stated in his report entitled "An Agenda for Peace: Preventive diplomacy,

peacemaking and peace-keeping" an unprecedented recommitment at the highest

political level to the purposes and principles of the Charter. In this

document, however, the primacy of economic relations - nay, the necessity for

a redefinition of the new world order underpinned by economic, trade,

technological and development issues to promote peace sadly received little

attention. Preventive diplomacy cannot and should not be limited to efforts

to prevent the outbreak of conflicts. No standing army, however well-equipped

and well-garrisoned is a bulwark against underdevelopment, poverty and natural

disasters. Preventive diplomacy should also, and even more significantly, be

directed at eliminating the factors that contribute to conflicts. In the

context of international peace and security it should focus on the

establishment of a just world order in which everyone has access to good

drinking water, food, shelter, health and education.

The first significant steps should be taken within our Organization, the

United Nations. The pre-eminent position of the General Assembly in the work

of the Organization should be asserted and reconfirmed. The Charter

provisions, notably Articles 15 and 24(3), must be given full meaning and

effect. It should be emphasized that the Security Council was not conceived

as an executive organ. It is to facilitate decision-making in urgent

situations of the eruption of conflicts that the Members of the Organization

have conferred on it, under Article 24, the primary responsibility for the

maintenance of international peace and security.

Above all, the present composition of the Security Council, with the

outmoded and obviously undemocratic permanent-five arrangement that reflects

the post-Second-World-War situation and its 10 two-year rotative seats for the

rest of the world, flies in the face of a global reality in which we are all

expected to play our part in maintaining the peace. The creeping tendency on

the part of certain nations to see themselves as policy-makers and executors

on behalf of the entire United Nations membership through their predominance

in the Security Council does not send out welcome signals to the rest of us as

equal partners in world affairs. The Security Council, we submit, should be

enabled to perform its functions in a more democratic manner to enhance its

legitimacy in acting on behalf of the membership of the United Nations in

accordance with Article 24 of the Charter.

In this regard we welcome the decision of the Non-Aligned Movement at its

tenth summit in Jakarta to empanel a working group on the revitalization and

restructuring of the United Nations, and hope that the working group will make

a positive contribution towards the democratization of the Organization.

The people and Government of Ghana retain faith and we wish hereby to

reaffirm it in the United Nations to lead the efforts of the international

community in the establishment of a truly new order. We believe that the

United Nations remains the only hope of mankind for peace and prosperity.

Together we must resist the temptation to see some Member States as more equal

than others; to see some Member States as leaders, with all others as mere

followers. For it is through the efforts of all Members, large and small,

acting in concert through our United Nations that we can craft and ensure a

new world order that is just and equitable and reflects the diversity of

mankind, an order in which all nations have a legitimate share and interest as

equals. The people and Government of Ghana rededicate themselves to this

pursuit.