Djibouti, 2004

The

protracted period of tension that the international

community is currently experiencing underscores the

need for greater cooperation and commitment. It is

fortunate, therefore, that during the past year the

General Assembly benefited from the capable guidance

of President Julian Hunte. The wealth of experience of

his successor, Mr. Jean Ping, together with his great

diplomatic acumen and insight, lead us to feel

confident that he is in the right place at the right time.

We pay tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi

Annan, for the exemplary manner in which he has

promoted the United Nations and maintained and

increased its relevance for the most critical issues of

the day. The degree to which the United Nations is

consulted on and participates in pivotal events and the

resolution of crises throughout the world is a tribute to

Mr. Annanís selfless dedication to the Organization.

He is also to be commended for the closer

working relationship that he has been able to foster

with the private sector and civil society through the

global compact, with the aim of offering help and

expertise to needy communities and young people.

As the Secretary-General stated in his most recent

report on the work of the Organization, the United

Nations ó indeed, the world ó has had a very difficult

and challenging year. Many of us have been

traumatized by terrorism, by the brutal acts of

repression that are taking place in many parts of the

world and by the tense situation and developments in

Iraq.

For the majority of the worldís people, however,

the most immediate threats are those of hunger,

poverty, lack of drinking water, environmental

degradation and endemic or infectious diseases,

including HIV/AIDS and malaria. Overall, the

Secretary-General notes that we have departed

considerably from the vision and spirit of the

Millennium Declaration of 2000, which embodied the

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aspirations of our time: a world united by common

values, with the primary goal of providing better living

conditions for humanity, in an environment of peace

and security.

Unfortunately, as the Secretary-General notes,

events related to terrorism have shaken our sense of

common purpose. The tragedy of 11 September 2001,

the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the ongoing

bloodshed in the Middle East and other disturbing

incidents throughout the world have profoundly

divided the international community about how to

ensure our collective security.

While we have seen many examples of State

terrorism, terrorism has become essentially stateless

and nebulous in nature, and is able to spread without

regard to borders or nationalities. Although there is no

disputing the fact that terrorism must be confronted

promptly and vigorously, the knee-jerk reaction of

attempting to crush it militarily fails to address its

many manifestations or get to its root causes.

We must pay special heed to our prejudices and

fears as we endeavour to resolve difficult political

problems that may have been building for decades.

We must also accept that terrorism is not a faith

or an ideology. It may well be a tactic or a strategy of

last resort on the part of those who view themselves,

their faith, their beliefs or their physical environment

as endangered. While we must act resolutely in

confronting acts of terrorism, to do so precipitately,

without examining the underlying causes, could prove

destructive or even fatal. No one should excuse the

brutal and heinous crimes that are being committed in

so many places today, but we must acknowledge that

the situation requires us to find a solution.

The international community is threatened by the

instability that this phenomenon entails. We must not

underestimate the importance of realistic foreign and

development policies directed at resolving tensions and

reducing poverty. We must find a way to bring the

world together to reconcile differences and eliminate

reasons for misunderstanding. The words and thoughts

of the late American President, Franklin D. Roosevelt,

are relevant here. For him, security meant not only

safety from attack by outside aggressors, but also

economic, social and moral security. As he said,

essential to such a peace is a decent standard of living

for all individuals, for freedom from fear is eternally

linked with freedom from want.

We are all aware of the commitments we made at

the Millennium Summit in 2000. The critical needs and

ills confronting mankind were identified at that

Summit, and we committed to resolving them in

various ways and according to a specific timetable. The

eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)

represent a worldwide quest to eliminate poverty and

hunger while improving health care, education and the

environment.

Sadly, an evaluation of progress towards reaching

these goals by the target dates reveals that we are

making erratic progress. A recent study in Geneva

found that the world is scarcely making a third of the

effort necessary to achieve these modest targets. In

particular, the eighth goal, which calls for a global

partnership of rich and poor countries for development,

envisioned a substantial increase in official

development assistance (ODA), a reduction or

cancellation of debts, the removal of protectionist

barriers for agricultural products and free access to the

markets of the industrialized countries. Needless to

say, progress on this goal has been limited. It is the

only goal lacking a deadline or timetable and is

hampered by the apparent reluctance of developed

countries to keep their commitments.

Of the 50 least developed countries (LDCs), 34

are in Africa. Although five or six African countries

are close to transitioning, only one has successfully

made a smooth transition. Attempts to mobilize

domestic resources through the private sector will

require more time and funds. Low levels of savings and

investment rates testify to the huge decline in resources

needed for development. Undoubtedly, there is an

urgent need to continually increase development

assistance to this group of countries.

Africa's need for development assistance has

created the impression that the continent is a major

financial burden to the international community. In

fact, while Africa is disproportionately aid-dependent,

it does not receive a disproportionate amount of aid.

Overall, as things stand, LDCs will not be able to

reduce poverty, achieve universal primary education or

reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS by 2015. A report by

the United Nations Conference on Trade and

Development (UNCTAD) describes LDCsí woeful

deficits in savings dedicated to growth, public

investment and essential services. The report also

states that the conclusion is unequivocal and that on

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the basis of domestic resources alone, LDCs cannot lift

themselves out of poverty.

Today, in a post-11-September world, a new

rationale for aid is emerging. Aid is increasingly seen

as a potent force in the war on terror by providing

support to both front-line States and weak States in

which terrorism could breed. Additionally, there is a

mounting recognition of endemic poverty and of the

inequalities that threaten national security interests.

Despite this realization, however, development

assistance programmes have become more selective,

aimed at a small group of countries that are in some

way qualified. Nevertheless, many countries fail to

qualify for this aid. Concrete actions must be taken for

the sake of the millions suffering in those countries.

We ignore them at our own risk.

Common sense tells us that conflict is endemic

and hardly any region in the world has escaped its

violence. However, the reality is that no new civil wars

have broken out recently, and there has been a decline

in the number of drawn-out conflicts within and

between States. We notice that although the number of

victims has risen sharply, the number of terrorist

incidents has in fact declined. That said, fewer people

are being killed by war than at almost anytime in the

past century. Few wars are beginning and many old

ones are ending. This is particularly true in Africa,

where some seven millions souls perished in the

conflicts of Angola, Congo, Sudan, Sierra Leone,

Liberia and Somalia. With the exception of the Darfur

region in the Sudan, each one of those conflicts

appears to be either coming to an end, winding down

or stabilizing. Of course, we are all deeply saddened by

the scale of the tragedy in Darfur. This issue, however,

needs to be tackled with the greatest care, clarity,

fairness and seriousness. We must be cautious about

making generalizations and forming prejudices too

soon. We need to direct our efforts towards the right

solutions.

Conflicts, of course, require weapons, and

reducing this threat requires a halt to arms shipments.

These shipments divert vital resources from other

critical needs. The countries of Asia, Latin America,

the Middle East and Africa spend some $22 billion on

arms each year, that is, more than two thirds of arms

sales worldwide.

Solidifying peace in the world calls for more

preventive diplomacy, peacemaking and additional

peacekeeping missions. Unless fully supported by the

international community through additional resources,

further operations would strain United Nations

planning, pre-positioned forces, logistics, procurement

and command and control capabilities. What is

required, therefore, is greater assistance for regional

peacekeeping capabilities, particularly in Africa.

Any action undertaken must necessarily have the

approval of the United Nations. This is the only path

that confers a degree of legitimacy on any undertaking.

Action undertaken by the United Nations implies the

approval of the Security Council. Here it must be noted

that the Council continues to operate in accordance

with the legacy of the Second World War in terms of its

structure.

Furthermore, the exponential growth in United

Nations membership is not reflected in the Council.

There is an urgent need for the developing world to

have a stronger voice in the Council. The Council must

have a more equitable and realistic distribution, in

terms of both representation and composition. Security

Council reform is long overdue and there is an urgent

need to expand the reform in both the permanent and

non-permanent categories, embracing developing and

developed countries. We are pleased with the

establishment by the Secretary-General of the High-

Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change. Some

of its initial soundings cover the expansion of the

Security Council, recalling membersí commitment to

contribute to national and international peace and

security. We deem auspicious the projected full review

of the Councilís work at the end of every decade,

including a review of the manpower and financial

resources of peacekeeping missions. We await the

Panelís report this December to the Secretary-General,

and we will consider his comments during the next

session of the Assembly.

The President returned to the Chair.

Following the Arta Peace Conference, which we

initiated and the outlines of which I presented to this

very Assembly several years ago, the

Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)

member States considered it necessary to complete this

process by broadening its base. Since then, and to date,

the Somali reconciliation conference in Nairobi,

Kenya, under the auspices of IGAD, has achieved

tangible progress, which we welcome. Particular

recognition should be addressed to all IGAD member

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States for their self-sacrifice and devotion, especially

to our brothers from Kenya, whose good offices,

patience and determination allowed the negotiations to

continue even in the most critical moments. Indeed, the

Somali representatives, spurred by the will of the

region and the convergence of political and financial

support of the international community, worked

relentlessly to set up the first pillar of the Somali

Government institutions ó that is, the Transitional

Parliament. This first stage, welcomed by the Somali

people within the country and in the diaspora, and the

international community as a whole, finally brought a

glimmer of hope that the reign of anarchy and chaos

would soon come to an end in Somalia.

The divergences of view that prevailed for a long

time among the countries of the region on ways of

resolving the Somali conflict have now yielded to

common sense and collective resolve, to work in

harmony and to collaborate in a sincere and fraternal

spirit towards the ultimate goal of helping our Somali

brothers achieve legitimate and lasting peace.

The misunderstandings and difficulties

encountered during the process have provided an

opportunity for a fresh review of the statements of the

various regional actors for a clear-eyed and in-depth

analysis, imbued with the genuine desire to show the

solidarity of IGAD countries towards Somalia, and has

made it possible to underscore the common need to

help the Somali people to establish a broad-based

Government that is representative and legitimate. This

Conference has culminated in a Somali Parliament,

where all the factions and various components of

Somali civil society are represented, such as

intellectuals, professionals, women and others. Last

week, the members of Parliament elected a Speaker,

and today they are electing his deputies before

proceeding on 10 October to elect the President of the

Transitional Government.

Without a doubt, and very importantly so, the

facts bear out that we are today in a significantly

different mood than the past, because this time the

Somali people are more determined to deepen their

dialogue and the reconciliation process. And as a

region we are convinced that we must work together

towards achieving the goals agreed upon. It is also the

responsibility of the international community to act in

a strong and decisive manner to assist Somalia.

In the first place, the international community

must provide the necessary financial and political

support to rapidly enable the new Government to create

the conditions for achieving the rehabilitation of

facilities needed to house the new Government; the

provision of direct budgetary support to pay wages and

other administrative expenditures; and the tackling of

security issues head-on, in particular, with the

implementation of demobilization, disarmament and

reintegration programmes (DDR).

In this first six-month critical phase, the actions

undertaken by the new Government will determine the

authority of its legitimacy as it proceeds to consolidate

the gains obtained from the reconciliation process, with

the aim of addressing the formidable expectations of

the Somali people.

In the second place, at the political level, it is

assumed that the new Transitional Parliament will be

an all-inclusive body; it will agree to swear in members

of this National Assembly; and all its members will

accept the primacy of the rule of law, responsible

norms of behaviour, disarmament and demobilization.

Any contrary attitudes, actions or activities that could

undermine the efforts to pacify the country or frustrate

the effectiveness of the new Government should not be

tolerated or accepted by the region or by the

international community.

In this respect, the Security Council, the unique

body entrusted with the maintenance of international

peace and security, may be called upon to take

necessary measures in conformity with the United

Nations Charter to apply the following measures in

case the new State faces a resurgence of obstacles to

the reconciliation process or restoration of the State.

These would be the implementation of a list and a

systematic regime of sanctions directed against those

who would continue to undermine the Governmentís

peace efforts.

We are deeply convinced that this is a unique

opportunity for the international community to finally

resolve the long-lasting conflict in Somalia. We need to

acknowledge the changes that have taken place. The

Somalis are determined, and the region is united. We

should, at all costs, avoid repetition of the scenario we

have experienced in the past. Let us seize this

opportunity. Let us, together, help our Somali brothers

and sisters in their quest for peace, stability, and unity.

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Until now, innumerable resolutions,

commitments, initiatives and peace processes to

resolve the long-festering Middle East conflict remain

at best rhetorical. A clear-cut vision of the two-State

solution - a secure Israel side by side with a viable

Palestinian State - rings hollow in the wake of a large

expansion of illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied

Palestinian territories of the West Bank, with the

building of thousands of houses on land confiscated

from Palestinian families. All this sounds familiar.

Over the last three-and-a-half decades, we have

witnessed the blatant confiscation of Palestinian land,

farmlands and water resources. The daily oppression

and repression of Palestinian victims is beyond

comprehension. Nevertheless, the Palestinians continue

to struggle against all odds to maintain some

semblance of civil order.

Making an already untenable and explosive

situation even worse, Israel, in defiance of

international law and public opinion, has embarked on

building a separation wall, which is penetrating and

dividing Palestinian territory in two, well beyond

Israelís 1967 borders, thus creating facts on the ground.

And, as we all know by now, Israelís proposed tactical

withdrawal from Gaza is not a prelude to Palestinian

statehood. All these violent and deliberate actions have

made a mockery of the road map, and thus, rendered it

worthless; this is the same fate that met the Oslo

Accords.

Abandoned by the international community, the

Palestinians are struck with indefinite deprivation, a

sense of hopelessness and statelessness. That being the

case, this Assembly has perhaps the sad duty to

pronounce itself incapable of constraining Israel, a

Member State of this Organization, rather than

continuing to give false hope to a people that has

already lost everything.

Djibouti, strategically situated at a crossroad of

the seas, and serving as a gateway to the growing

African and Middle Eastern markets, has been

fortunate in achieving a period of sustained growth,

stability and improved governance. Many of our

facilities are presently undergoing considerable

improvements to respond to, and to take advantage of

the growing demands. A new modern port is under

construction, the first phase being an oil terminal

expected to be operational by next year, followed by a

major container terminal, and finally by an industrial

free zone that will be the first of its kind in Africa,

offering light manufacturing and value-added facilities

and services in a duty-free setting, including

warehousing, storage and distribution.

In this respect, we wish to express deep gratitude

to the inspiring and pragmatic leadership of Dubai, our

key partner in this visionary venture, that will

undoubtedly put Djibouti on the map of international

trade and shipping.

Djibouti seeks to improve its private sector

development by reducing the cost of creating or doing

business, by improving its labour force through

investments in education, training, health, social

protection and eliminating gender disparities. The

Government is also working to strengthen institutional

capacity and governance, while developing its

absorptive capacity to better manage, as well as

effectively utilize, donor support.

The Horn of Africa has seen its share of conflict

and natural disasters. Together with our friends in the

region, we are resolutely engaged in mitigating the

plight of our people, reducing tensions and conflict,

developing cooperation in the areas of transport,

communications, health and the environment. Regional

and international security issues and, in particular, the

fight against terrorism, are of primary concern to the

countries in the Horn of Africa. Together with our

international partners, we are doing all we can in the

fight against that scourge. The same holds true for the

HIV/AIDS pandemic, tuberculosis and malaria. Our

region has no other alternative than to strengthen

cooperation in all areas ó from economic development

to improving confidence-building measures.

Djibouti, friend to all, enemy of none, will spare

no effort to further intensify the search for greater

regional harmony and cooperation, while promoting a

pluralistic, open, and healthy society at home.