Djibouti, 1998

I

bring to you, Sir, and to all the representatives to this

General Assembly the warm greetings of the people of

Djibouti. I extend to Mr. Opertti my sincere

congratulations on his election to the presidency of the

General Assembly at its fifty-third session. As the world

grows smaller and the problems confronting us grow ever

more challenging, the deliberations of humanity?s forum,

the General Assembly, assume a critical urgency. His

competence and broad experience will undoubtedly guide

us very ably in the coming year.

We are also most grateful to his predecessor, the

former Foreign Minister of Ukraine, for bringing to bear

a degree of focus and productivity that was exemplary.

Through his exceptional grasp of the issues before the

General Assembly, he was able to lead us to satisfactory

results.

Our indefatigable Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi

Annan, continues to earn our deepest appreciation for the

manner in which he has managed the activities of the

Organization, especially for the way in which the United

Nations has risen in the eyes of the general public.

Demands on the United Nations have increased. Ever-

changing economic, environmental, social and political

problems have added to these demands. Core contributions

to the funds and programmes continue to decline, however,

and the United Nations faces unpredictable resource flows

due to unpaid assessments. Recognizing that a radical

transformation of the United Nations would cause political

tensions, the Secretary-General wisely formulated a series

of realistic reforms to rationalize operations, reduce costs

and refocus on certain critical areas demanding United

Nations attention, such as the mitigation of poverty,

sustainable development and strengthening management and

coordination, both at Headquarters and in field-level

activities.

We support the Secretary-General?s relentless efforts

to communicate directly with and engage the people of the

world, exploring critical issues and exchanging views with

them, and explaining the role, capacities and constraints of

the United Nations system. His work has given the United

Nations a reality and a new face vital to its mission.

In early August, a corner of our world, eastern Africa,

was profoundly shocked, baffled and aggrieved by the well-

coordinated simultaneous bombings of United States

embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam. Over 260 people

lost their lives and thousands of innocent people were

injured in those attacks.

These brazen acts of aggression wrought

unprecedented carnage and extensive destruction and

damage to property. I recently visited Nairobi. What I saw

resembled a war zone. I unreservedly condemn this

senseless act of terrorism. Once again, I wish to express our

heartfelt condolences to all the families who lost their loved

ones in this tragedy and pray for the speedy recovery of the

injured.

May I also express our concern at the United States

action against the Sudan. There are growing doubts about

the justification for the raid that devastated the El Shifa

pharmaceutical plant, which produced desperately needed

medicines and drugs. Visiting there recently, I was struck

by the extent of the damage. All that is left of the plant is

a mountain of rubble. The onus lies now on the United

States to produce fuller evidence to support its claim. We

also urge the United Nations to undertake an independent

investigation to determine whether this factory was indeed

making chemical weapons, as alleged.

It seems essential to remind ourselves that the annual

session of the General Assembly has become the sole

occasion for virtually all mankind, collectively, to

appraise the human condition. Additionally, drawn as we

are by the hypnotic spell of the approaching millennium,

the need to assess our past successes, achievements and

failures and to develop priorities and strategies for the

future has assumed a sense of urgency.

A little over 50 years ago, the world embarked with

great vision, enthusiasm and optimism upon a high-

minded journey to end the scourge of war, eliminate

poverty and create a world of freedom and justice for all.

Undoubtedly, much has been accomplished and the world

is a far better place to live in, despite the fact that many

dreams remain unfulfilled and many commitments

unimplemented.

This decade, in particular, has witnessed tendencies

towards the fragmentation of societies, the spread of civil

strife and conflict and a plunge further into the poverty

trap. In general, we recognize that respect for human

rights has improved and that many countries have

embraced democracy and good governance, and we

welcome that.

Unfortunately, human rights violations continue, and

there is a lingering concern about the capacity, resources

and mandates of the United Nations for timely

intervention in cases of egregious violations of human

rights. We have had the bad experience of regrettable

vacillation and indifference in the face of appalling crimes

committed in Bosnia and Rwanda, and now in Kosovo.

As the United Nations High Commissioner for Human

Rights has correctly stated, efforts to prevent the most

abominable violence should focus not only on resolving

ethnic and political disputes, but also on the social issues

of chronic underdevelopment, grinding poverty, mass

unemployment, widespread illiteracy and systematic

inequalities of income or opportunities.

We therefore welcome the establishment of the

International Criminal Court, which replaces once and for

all the ad hoc proceedings. It fills in the gap in

international law exposed by the famous Nuremberg trials

of Nazi war criminals: the need to install a permanent

international institution able to investigate war crimes,

genocide and crimes against humanity.

Much of the technological advancement of the

twentieth century has created a host of other problems.

Man?s mastery over nature for his own benefit has

2

become a potential nightmare of environmental disasters,

one which we seemingly lack the will to contain or correct.

Will we continue to have land to farm, clean water to drink

and healthy air to breath? Will our cities decay into piles of

humans for whom day to day survival becomes the

crowning achievement of their lives?

Overpopulation, abject poverty, crime, drugs and the

consequences they bring may soon threaten the foundations

of social cohesion. To a great extent, these forces are

transnational, extending beyond the capacity and control of

individual States. They are global in nature and pose

serious challenges to society and its leadership. We must

act collectively in marshalling the resources necessary to

mitigate the harmful effects of modernization and

globalization.

Unquestionably, the founding of the United Nations

was one of the outstanding achievements of this century.

After 50 years, we can take pride in the continuing

relevance of this institution. Naturally, given the breadth

and complexity of issues facing the United Nations and

mankind, there will always be differences of views on the

evolving role of the United Nations. However, the basic

mission of the United Nations has not changed one iota:

collective international action for maintenance of

international peace and security and promotion of economic

and social development for all.

While the Charter remains relevant, the world of 1945

is no longer with us. The United Nations of today must

embrace the realities of the new millennium. Anachronistic

structures and outmoded thinking cannot coexist with

current needs and perceptions. The phenomenal growth in

the membership of the United Nations leads us to hope for

a more democratic, transparent and representative

Organization. This is the case in particular with regard to

the Security Council, which must reconcile itself to

undergoing a thorough transformation in both its structure

and its functions in order to reflect a more equitable

geographical representation of developing and developed

countries.

The sudden outbreak of hostilities between our

neighbours, Ethiopia and Eritrea, has greatly dismayed us.

As in the case of Somalia, Djibouti has attempted to

reconcile the different points of view in various ways,

although there are few real signs of hope for a way out of

the stalemate. Beyond the tragic loss of lives, displacement

of people and destruction of property and facilities, the

psychological wounds inflicted by the tensions and

hostilities that are dividing these countries suggest that it

will be several difficult years before the Horn of Africa

becomes once again a region of peace and trust. Both

leaders understand my frustration — indeed, my

exasperation — at this wasteful, unnecessary and

seemingly endless conflict. We are confronted by serious

regional problems and must revive economies that have

been dormant for a long time. We need a new vision, new

perspectives and a far-sighted approach to deal with

bilateral differences.

I urge my friends, the leaders of Ethiopia and

Eritrea, to give peace a chance. Let us end the hostile

propaganda and provocative rhetoric and replace it with

a genuine desire to engage constructively in finding a

solution to this problem. It would be a tragedy if the

relentless shuttling between Addis Ababa and Asmara by

leaders and senior officials of many Governments,

including heads of regional organizations, who have all

demonstrated immense goodwill and perseverance and

expended time, energy and boundless effort in trying to

resolve the conflict, were to be taken by some to be

largely symbolic. We believe they are more than that. The

series of attempts made by a great many mediators and

facilitators demonstrates the seriousness of this matter.

The many views, opinions, decisions and resolutions

relating to this conflict, even if not wholly acceptable to

one or both parties, nevertheless contain significant

elements that can form the basis of a settlement. It is

incumbent upon both leaders to go beyond the immediate

unfortunate problem and to look forward resolutely to a

better and promising future of benefit to all. In the words

of the Preamble to the Charter of the United Nations, I

call upon the leaders of those countries

“to practise tolerance and live together in peace with

one another as good neighbours”.

There is no doubt that the speed of globalization and

the expansion and integration of the international

economy have brought immense benefits to many

countries and positive changes in the living condition of

many people. However, several countries and their

populations, particularly in the developing world, are

facing marginalization and hopelessness because they are

unable to adapt to the rapid pace of integration. The least

developed countries in particular require special attention

so that they do not slip further into the abyss of poverty

and disintegration.

The World Economic Survey 1997 shows that Africa

will have to demonstrate still higher and more sustained

rates of growth in order to alleviate widespread poverty

3

and reduce high unemployment. Improved and sustained

macroeconomic stability and economic reforms have played

important roles in Africa?s recent economic upturn,

although the sacrifices have been great.

But Africa must now grapple with the erroneous

perception by developed countries that private investment

flows can be a substitute for development assistance, which

in fact largely bypasses the continent: only 5 per cent of

such assistance goes to Africa as a whole, and only 1 per

cent to sub-Saharan Africa. Add this to the crippling debt

servicing costs and it becomes clear that Africa, and in

particular the least developed of its countries, is in a

precarious financial position. The danger of prolonged, or

indefinite, marginalization is a real one.

As the continent continues to be mired in a series of

crises, the much vaunted policy of finding African solutions

to African problems, which was among the precursors of

Western disengagement, seems to be predicated on a

number of premises that are tenuous at best. The fact is that

Africa cannot succeed alone; it needs serious, resolute

commitment to Africa?s economic recovery on the part of

the industrial countries, along with a determination to

prevent and resolve conflicts. It is important to note that

African countries have played an important role in the

efforts to maintain and restore peace in Liberia and in

Sierra Leone. That is a positive development that we cannot

fail to welcome. But we are saddened by the resurgence of

hostilities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We

warn all involved in the current crisis that pursuing

individual military agendas in the Congo is not in the

interest of the long-term stability of the region or of Africa

as a whole. The territorial integrity of that country must be

respected, and no country in the region or in any other

region of Africa should try to place any of its neighbours

under its thumb.

Since 1991, at the time of Somalia?s implosion,

Djibouti, both independently and through the

Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), has

tirelessly sought to restore peace and security to that

country. In 1991, we organized the first two national

reconciliation conferences; then the United Nations began

its extensive operations. Subsequently, Ethiopia, with a

mandate from IGAD and the Organization of African Unity

(OAU), organized a series of meetings that led to the

Sodere agreement. Other countries, the League of Arab

States, various Arab States and other organizations have

also made serious reconciliation efforts during this period.

Every year, new conferences were held and new agreements

signed, none of which were implemented. This shows that

the faction leaders had learned the technique of making

people believe in a reconciliation that would last about as

long as their return flights home.

Since the United Nations departure and

disengagement from Somalia in the mid-1990s, the

international community has come to remember only a

“failed operation” and a “failed State”. But that devastated

country needs the United Nations to become engaged

once again. Somalia deserves greater interest and attention

than it now gets. This is not solely a regional or even an

African or Arab problem; Somalia was and continues to

be an international disaster. Its neighbours have made

enough concessions, and they stand to sacrifice and risk

even more. It is therefore fair to say that it is not easy or

tolerable to continue living in a no-peace-no-war situation.

Imagine having to life beside a neighbour without laws,

without a government, without a central authority.

After seven years of bickering, the faction leaders

have nothing new to offer. Give the people of Somalia,

with the support of the international community, a chance

to elect leaders of their choice, by stages, both regionally

and nationally — without threats and without blackmail.

It is not impossible that the evolving new approach of

setting up regional administrations or “mini-states” could

enhance security and stability and shape the future

political structure of Somalia, so long as they do not

compromise the country?s unity.

We are deeply saddened by the lack of progress

under the peace agreements in the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Israel is continuing to seize Palestinian property; engaging

in relentless settlement activities in the West Bank;

imposing intransigent rule over East Jerusalem; and

illegally and unilaterally extending the boundaries of the

municipality of Jerusalem.

Israel?s arbitrary and coercive measures, which

include the suspension of the Palestinians? rights to enter,

work, trade, reside, remain, build or travel in the country,

have created intolerable uncertainties and a difficult

situation. We demand that Israel immediately withdraw its

troops, put a stop to settlement and construction in the

settlements, and desist from taking unilateral decisions

that undermine the peace efforts, as called for by the Oslo

peace accords.

We are one with the legitimate aspirations of the

Palestinian people to establish an independent State and

to live side by side with Israel in peace and within secure

borders. Above all, we hope that Israel will heed the call

4

by the international community to establish comprehensive

peace in the Middle East on the basis of Security Council

resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978).

The relentless fratricidal war in Afghanistan shows no

sign of abating, despite intense and continuing international

efforts. The people of Afghanistan have suffered immensely

and are on the verge of losing all hope of any political

solution to this crisis. In the last two years there has been

an increase in violence, intolerance, and the abuse of

human rights, in particular against women. We hope that

the risk of tensions escalating as a result of the murder of

Iranian diplomats will be defused through the ongoing

initiatives of the Secretary-General.

The international community has often turned to

sanctions in order to combat violations of international law

or to punish uncontrolled criminal behaviour. In practice,

however, the application of sanctions is often too general

and broad, serving particular political interests. Real targets

or target groups are not affected, and it is the innocent

population at large that suffers as a result of such blind

embargoes. Once sanctions become personalized or are used

to serve as weapons to serve and protect powerful interests,

they cease to have time limits or clear indications as to

when their requirements have been met. Their original

purpose is lost and the sanctions assume a life of their own.

The end result is a climate of frustration and non-

compliance with a resultant considerable squandering of

credibility. Without a sense of limits, purpose and fairness,

the exercise then becomes futile and counter-productive.

Behind the broad global problems facing our planet

Earth, some of which I have mentioned briefly, lie specific

areas and countries which merit particular attention. For

example, there is universal concern about the economic and

financial crisis assailing Asia and its implications for the

rest of the world. It is difficult to comprehend that the

Asian miracle we had all come to marvel at should collapse

so abruptly, with grave consequences for Governments,

businessmen and peoples. Many of the countries involved

risk falling into severe recession. Whatever the explanation

for this crisis, this experience proves that there are real

perils in the free flow of international capital. The danger

is incalculable, forcing serious revision of some of our

long-term development plans.

It is also disturbing to see so many of the resources of

the International Monetary Fund (IMF) going towards

rescuing large international banks and financial institutions

that recklessly and of their own volition placed their funds

in sectors where restraint and control were needed. Now we

must all wonder who will be the next to suffer a flight of

capital and who will help to bail them out. There is

undoubtedly a strong case for creating a better mechanism

to regulate international standards for financial

management and capital flows.

The task of engendering a national sense of identity

and cohesion and shared values against a backdrop of

turbulence and instability is one of the core challenges of

nation-building. In Djibouti, we have had our ups and

downs. We continue to face daunting economic

difficulties, aggravated by the presence of a great number

of refugees, which has overwhelmed our limited means

and severely strained our social services.

I am proud to say that Djibouti, despite these

obstacles, has established itself as a nation, a responsible

member of the international community. Since gaining

independence over 20 years ago, we have effected a

series of changes aimed at the attainment of better

standards of living and have undertaken to found a culture

of democracy and tolerance. The process of accelerated

political and economic change continues, however fragile

it may be.

I believe in the concept that there should be

opponents but not enemies. That is why tolerance,

compassion and forbearance have guided my actions as

leader of my country. We have pursued a policy of

regional and ethnic inclusion, and have long recognized

the concept of diversity in unity.

Djibouti?s approach to regional affairs has always

been based on mutual respect, moderation and

cooperation. We believe that the countries of the Horn of

Africa must unite to confront the problems of poverty,

conflicts and underdevelopment within the framework of

the Intergovernmental Authority on Development whose

revitalization is crucial.

At the international level, we credibly contributed to

the maintenance of peace and security during our

membership in the Security Council in 1993 and 1994. As

an extension of this, we have participated in international

peacekeeping missions to bring peace and stability to

countries in the throes of conflict.

In the context of the current global financial turmoil,

one thing is certain: yesterday?s international institutions

cannot cope with today?s intensity, magnitude and

rapidity, which demand greater openness and

transparency. Djibouti therefore joins in the overwhelming

5

call for a comprehensive overhaul of the International

Monetary Fund and the World Bank so that they can

adequately respond to the financial calamity we are

experiencing. They must also be fully equipped to mount a

determined attack on poverty, growing hopelessness and

underdevelopment. I pray that the new millennium will

bring us more stability, understanding and harmony among

nations, and among peoples within nations.