Djibouti, 1995

The United Nations has today reached a historic

turning-point for at this session, we are celebrating the

fiftieth anniversary of its founding. I am convinced that

this Assembly will benefit greatly from the President’s

vast experience as a distinguished jurist. On behalf of my

delegation, I would like to extend to Mr. Freitas do

Amaral my sincere congratulations on his election to the

presidency of the General Assembly for a session which

will undoubtedly prove to be productive.

We are deeply indebted to Mr. Amara Essy for the

active and competent way in which he conducted the

proceedings of the forty-ninth session of the General

Assembly. It should indeed be noted that a number of

problems and reforms had the benefit of particular

attention under his presidency.

We would also like to express our gratitude and our

high regard to the Secretary-General for his enlightened

and pragmatic leadership. Today, more than ever, the

universality of the United Nations offers to many of us

the possibility of having our voices heard throughout the

world. We would also congratulate the Secretary-General

on his efforts to preserve and strengthen the role of the

United Nations in its work for peace, collective security

and development.

The situation in the world today, marked as it is by

a multiplicity of hotbeds of tension, demonstrates to us —

if that were necessary — the paramount role of the

United Nations. This is naturally a subject for reflection

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and of course a useful matter for us to ponder when we

analyse our compliance with the Charter and the ideals set

forth in it as we now stand on the threshold of an era

which, without any doubt, will prove vital for mankind.

Today, indeed, we are living in a different world — a

world which the end of the cold war has stripped of the

structures and priorities that were familiar to it. New crises,

difficult to understand and to which we must today find

appropriate responses, have arisen in all parts of the world.

Neither States nor even regions can deal with them

effectively and individually.

The explosion of ethnic identities, too long suppressed,

and the breaking up of States, have posed formidable

challenges to the international community, thus threatening

international peace and security. The crises that are

ravaging the world today are not as specific as those of the

cold-war era. Since they fall outside the focus of interest of

the great Powers, the responsibility for action falls on the

United Nations. However, the absence of clear-cut

mandates, plus the inadequacy of resources, is partially

responsible for the performance of the United Nations in its

new role as guarantor of peace. In the light of these

circumstances, it is no surprise that early intervention is

often late in coming. But when the United Nations does

possess the necessary resources and support, it can achieve

commendable results.

The persistence of social and economic crises, the

collapse of Governments and structures underlie this

outbreak of civil conflicts in the world. It is clear that it is

not enough simply to separate the combatants and stop the

fighting in order to eliminate the multidimensional causes

of these conflicts. Until these causes are understood and

combated from the very outset of the crisis, we will never

be in a position to combat the flagrant acts of violence

against civilian populations. Until we are ready to offer

firm resistance to injustice, to acts of aggression, to

continuing violations of human rights and peoples, we will

be doomed to watching history repeat itself over and over

again. Recent experiences of the United Nations have

demonstrated this, but none of them is more revealing than

the history of Bosnia.

Nothing has contributed as much as Bosnia to

engendering a feeling of outrage within the international

community. Although numerous resolutions of the Security

Council reaffirming the sovereignty and territorial integrity

of Bosnia, confirming the inadmissibility of the annexation

of territory by force and condemning “ethnic cleansing”

have been adopted, the reaction of the international

community to the challenge posed by the Serbs has

always been hesitant and confused. The cost of this war

in terms of loss of human life, hardship and material

destruction is frightening. Serb bombings have turned the

designated “safe areas” into vast prisons. Sarajevo has

suffered by far the most from Serb strangulation.

However, the fall of the “safe areas” of Srebrenica

and Zepa marked a turning-point in the attitude of the

great Powers in this long and bloody conflict. These acts

of genocide undoubtedly constitute one of the greatest

humiliations for the international community since the

Second World War. The combined effects of bombings

and diplomacy seem to have negated Serb domination on

the ground at the same time as it has promoted prospects

for peace. Furthermore, United Nations personnel and

humanitarian convoys are no longer exposed to Serb

attacks thanks to the recent resolve shown by the North

Atlantic Treaty Organization. For the time being,

aggression is not paying off and the Serbs seem to have

partially renounced their traditional tactic of murdering

civilians with impunity. Over all, developments in the

situation have dealt a new hand and breathed new life

into the peace process. We welcome this new attitude, but

peace must be both durable and honourable for all people.

Bosnia, as a sovereign State, must be protected. Similarly,

Sarajevo must be preserved as a multiracial and

multicultural city.

The handshake between President Arafat and Prime

Minister Rabin in September 1993 was a source of great

hope and we can but rejoice further at recent events. The

second phase of negotiations led to the signing in

Washington of the Taba Accord on 28 September 1995.

We can only welcome that outcome. We encourage the

two parties to persevere in their efforts to expedite the

implementation of these agreements. They must strive to

contain the violence of extremists and to take all

necessary measures to strengthen mutual trust, which will,

undoubtedly, contribute to lasting peace.

The mutual recognition of Israel and of the PLO has

opened up a tremendous opportunity to strengthen peace

and development in the Middle East, as well as trading

and economic potential for the entire region. These are

the stakes and neither of the parties, neither the

Palestinians nor the Israelis, should underestimate the

importance of this new perspective.

Sometimes there are mixed feelings about United

Nations efforts around the world to contain hostilities and

settle disputes. The United Nations has effectively been

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paralysed and hamstrung by the lack of resources and the

absence of any precise mandate during the crisis in

Rwanda. The establishment of the International Tribunal,

for Rwanda which is responsible for trying and prosecuting

the persons guilty of genocide has also been delayed.

Serious political dialogue can be broached, because it

would be hard to deny that those who promoted,

encouraged or committed crimes must be taken to court.

Furthermore, the whole issue of the reconciliation and

reconstruction of the country has failed because of

persistent internal tension and delays in the deployment of

international aid. An enormous task still lies ahead, not just

in terms of the repatriation of refugees but also of the

reconstruction of destroyed infrastructures, including

housing, schools and medical facilities.

In many respects, there are great similarities between

the situation in Burundi and that in Rwanda. To date,

all-out civil war has been avoided but the situation remains

extremely volatile. The region as a whole is in need of true

reconciliation. We welcome the efforts of the Secretary-

General, who is trying, through constant contact, dialogue

and visits to the area, to resolve these complex problems.

His recent decision to appoint an experienced diplomat to

organize a national conference to promote reconciliation

and mutual understanding among the countries of the region

is a wise decision.

After almost two decades of fratricidal and destructive

warfare, Mozambique is today ready to begin the work of

national reconstruction following the peace process. We

should congratulate all the parties that have taken part in

the political transformation of Mozambique on having

adhered to the peace process. Mozambique, with its

tremendous potential for economic recovery and

development, has a great future ahead, which it should turn

to full advantage. This is a country for which the

international community has every reason to congratulate

itself for having given it timely support and substantial

resources to back the peace process.

In Haiti, the refusal of the army to comply with the

peace agreement and its intransigence in spite of the

condemnation of the international community left the

United Nations with no alternative but to take resolute

action, beginning with economic sanctions, and then

international intervention. This made it possible for the

United Nations to deploy a peace-keeping mission there.

With the return of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide,

political violence and human rights violations have been

greatly reduced. There is now a basis for ensuring the

security of the population, guaranteeing increased political

participation and consolidating democracy.

The untiring efforts in the long and difficult

negotiations in Lusaka to restore peace in Angola finally

led to an agreement on a general cease-fire and the

establishment of a government. The United Nations

played a prominent role in these negotiations with the full

support of three observer States. Much remains to be

done, but progress has been steady and positive. The

future of Angola will depend on the political will and

determination of its leaders to forge a new vision, a new

nation.

In Liberia, the determination of the United Nations

and of the countries of the region has made it possible

finally to conclude an agreement between the parties.

Hostilities are nearing an end, and a cease-fire is to be

negotiated. This agreement, concluded just a month ago,

does not mean that our troubles are over, but we can see

the light at the end of the tunnel. The Liberian people

seem determined to put a final end to this long and

destructive war, and it is the duty of the international

community to contribute to this long-awaited outcome the

necessary resources and substantial support.

Last year, we witnessed the end of United Nations

operations in Somalia, when it became clear that the

determination of the various Somali parties to reach a

compromise in the interests of the people of Somalia was

visibly lacking. Somalia has fallen into oblivion. It is

suffering from total political paralysis. Once again, it is

the same old story: warfare among factions. The country

must be helped to get off to a new start in order to create

better prospects for peace and stability.

We must recall that the prospect of a new civil war

is more likely than ever. The spectre of famine is looming

on the horizon. And the personnel of international aid

organizations faces a difficult choice: to accept a state of

increasing insecurity or to abandon the country to chaos.

We want to hope that, no matter how complex and

desperate the political situation in Somalia, the

international community will not abandon that country

and will continue to provide the necessary support to the

Somalis, in particular in the realm of humanitarian

assistance. We hope, moreover, that our brothers in

Somalia will find the path to wisdom and engage in

constructive negotiations to put an end to the suffering of

the Somali people.

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My country, the Republic of Djibouti, continues to

face difficulties in our economic development that are

exacerbated by the presence of refugees and displaced

persons, which make up more than 25 per cent of our

population. The pressure thus placed on our infrastructures,

our medical services, our housing sector and on education

and employment is more than we are able to deal with. The

cumulative effects of the civil wars that have raged in

recent years, both in our country and in neighbouring

countries, and of natural disasters — drought as well as

floods — have seriously hindered our efforts in the area of

development.

A new era of peace and political stability has begun in

my country, which regained its reputation as an oasis of

peace after the signing of the peace agreement of December

1994 and the formation in June 1995 of a new Government

that reflected the new situation.

Once peace had been achieved, and without any

transition, we began the difficult process of redressing our

country’s finances and economy, which had been seriously

affected by the consequences of three years of internal

conflict and the negative world economic situation.

The first phase of a vast restructuring programme,

proposed by the Government and approved by the

Parliament, has just been launched through the

implementation of various measures involving severe

budgetary restrictions. In addition to these measures, we are

currently negotiating with the International Monetary Fund

and the World Bank for the means to carry out a structural

adjustment programme. Furthermore, in accordance with the

resolutions of the Copenhagen World Summit for Social

Development, we wish to preserve our social achievements,

without which no lasting development can be envisaged.

On the regional level, Djibouti is still working towards

the establishment of a climate of cooperation in all areas.

The member countries of the Inter-Governmental Authority

on Drought and Development (IGADD) and of the

Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa

(COMESA) have great potential and resources, and IGADD

and COMESA are the best instruments for harmonization

and coordination to maximize the exploitation of these

resources.

On the international scene, Djibouti has discharged

productively and responsibly its current term in the Security

Council, and thanks all the countries that have supported it.

Our participation in peace-keeping operations, particularly

in Rwanda and Haiti, where Djibouti’s police and armed

forces are currently serving, is one of the best proofs of

this.

Together with its neighbours, Djibouti hopes to be in

a position to struggle against, and overcome, the

consequences of instability and conflicts in our region.

We share the Secretary-General’s view that the work

of the United Nations is frequently misunderstood. The

development crisis is often overlooked because of the

priority given the short-term alleviation of emergency

situations. But development is no less urgent — quite to

the contrary — because today development is a global

issue, and peace, the economy, the environment, social

justice and democracy are its various aspects. The

pressures created by poverty, unemployment and social

disintegration are no longer contained within individual

frontiers; they affect our entire “global village”, moving

from country to country and from region to region. Only

consistent growth and lasting development will be able to

halt them. But, clearly, no country, no region can alone

successfully face these problems. Even the best-

performing economies will face high unemployment if

world economic growth is not sufficient to absorb their

production. If we restrict ourselves to promoting growth

in some sectors to the exclusion of others, the result of

the growth will be unimpressive.

But it is most surprising that despite the fact that

world economic growth yields sufficient resources to

easily eliminate extreme poverty from the face of the

Earth, poverty not only persists but continues to increase.

The world has a great need of an engine for growth

worldwide, a role played by the United States

immediately after the Second World War, when it

broadened world markets. But we can no longer hope that

a single country will take on this function. Likewise,

outdated international economic policies and institutions

are standing in the way of investments, the creation of

development programmes and the markets necessary to

increase demand in the third-world countries and

consequently stimulate economic growth.

Aside from this global reality, the difficulties faced

by sub-Saharan Africa are sui generis. The Secretary-

General himself recently called the economic results in

Africa disappointing, even in the countries that are

engaged in-depth reforms. Thirty-three of the 48 least-

developed countries in the world are in Africa. There are

many results of this state of affairs and they are well

known. The recent onslaught of ethnic conflicts and civil

wars has greatly contributed to instability, to the many

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faces of poverty and to the underdevelopment of that

region. These conflicts have forced millions of people to

seek refuge in other countries or to become displaced

persons. The situation is particularly tragic for women and

children.

If Africa is to have a serious chance to develop, the

crushing burden of foreign debt must be alleviated. The

long-term debt of the African continent, amounting to $37

billion, constitutes about one-half of the debt owed by all

the countries of the “third world”. Very few of those

countries are in a position to repay their debt.

However, for Africa at least to come close to the

objective of 6 per cent of annual growth in its gross

domestic product, as envisaged by the United Nations New

Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s, would

require substantial external assistance. Even those among us

who, in Africa, have opted for free markets and healthy

currencies, view privatization and balanced budgets with

scepticism.

This situation, exacerbated by the shocks created by

structural adjustment programmes and political reform, is

continuing to intensify internal pressures and social

tensions.

It is important to maintain aid levels during this

transitional period because this will contribute to stabilizing

the economic conditions that would permit the emergence

of political and social conditions propitious to free

institutions. Without such assistance, our fragile economies

are threatened with collapse before they can even attempt

to carry out their reforms. Yet, the fact is that for the

majority of African countries now engaged in this effort,

the flow of capital and assistance in all forms is beginning

to dry up.

As the President of the General Assembly has rightly

said, the world is passing through a transitional period that

is still “vague, confused and imprecise” (Official Records

of the General Assembly, Fiftieth Session, Plenary

Meetings, 1st meeting, p. 6). The effort to identify, to

understand, to assign priorities and to try to remedy

problems whose dimensions have profoundly changed has

just begun. It is revealing, indeed, that in his statement the

President told the General Assembly that the new

international order that is to be built must not leave out the

United Nations, either by replacing it or by doing away

entirely with it.

For the United Nations represents a concept of work,

an expression of the idea whereby all mankind should

unite its strength to solve problems and improve its

conditions of life. To replace, weaken or marginalize the

United Nations would constitute an assault on this

concept.

The United Nations, that is, mankind working

together, should be the central mechanism through which

the world can achieve lasting growth and to lend

credibility and legitimacy to our efforts. Peace and

security remain important questions, but development and

economic and social problems are just as vital.

The structure of the United Nations should reflect

the realities and present problems as they really exist in

order to tackle them in an effective, professional way.

Djibouti favours the constant monitoring of United

Nations operations in order to define means and methods

to eliminate all waste and reduce unnecessary costs.

However, the improvement of the functioning and

the structure of the United Nations will prove of limited

use if the Organization does not have the resources it

needs to operate. The time has perhaps come to envisage

new methods for financing the United Nations. In

addition, in the realm of collective security there is a vital

need to enlarge the Security Council, while respecting the

principle of equitable geographical representation, and to

make it more democratic and more transparent. The

structure and functions of the Council should be

periodically reviewed as the international situation

evolves.

In conclusion, we are the United Nations, and the

United Nations is us. Together we can achieve great

things.