Djibouti, 1999

On the occasion

of this historic final session of the General Assembly of the

current millennium, which is my first, as I took office in

May this year, I extend, on behalf of the people of Djibouti,

our sincere best wishes to all the members of the Assembly.

I should also like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election

to the presidency of the General Assembly at this fifty-

fourth session. Your long and extensive experience with the

United Nations, beginning as the representative of the

South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) before

your country's independence and continuing as its

Permanent Observer, has afforded you a deep insight into

the internal workings of the Assembly, and the challenges

it now faces. We are convinced that, thanks to your ample

skills and commitment, this session of the Assembly will

bring a remarkable period to a close on a very positive

note.

We also wish to express our gratitude to your

predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti of Uruguay, for the

exemplary manner in which he conducted the work of the

General Assembly. The fact that the Assembly was able

to accomplish so much at its fifty-third session was in

great measure due to his dedication, skill and intelligent

management.

We must also acknowledge our great admiration for

the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General in continuing

his exemplary work under difficult and trying

circumstances. On too many fronts the Organization has

been facing challenges which jeopardize its proper

functioning, whether dealing with issues of peace and

conflict, development, or addressing the severe poverty

faced by many in the world community. Despite a sharp

reduction in the inflow of funds at a time of escalating

demands on the Organization, the Secretary-General has

succeeded in maintaining a high degree of effectiveness

through intelligent rationalization and restructuring. The

Organization is therefore continuing to play an important

role in world affairs, which is in no small measure

attributable to the enlightened leadership of the Secretary-

General.

As this millennium draws to a close, we find

ourselves in a post-cold-war era of globalism. The

doctrine that the general pursuit of economic and financial

prosperity will necessarily lead to open markets, greater

international movement of resources, capital and labour is

deeply entrenched. As we progress, it is claimed, this global

system will produce freer societies and expanding middle

classes, which, in turn, will exert pressure for political

freedoms. In the end, it is also claimed, we can all expect

the spread of peace as countries become more

interdependent and economically integrated, for free

societies do not go to war, at least with each other.

This model calls for the ascendancy of a more

efficient private sector and a reduced role for government.

For developing countries, the pursuit of maximum

economic flexibility has been accompanied by a massive

reorganization of legal, social, financial, economic, political

and institutional structures — or, as it is known, structural

adjustment. The cost of these changes has been

considerable, not only in financial terms, but also in human

and social terms as well. As the social safety net in many

countries consists of government jobs and services,

downsizing government has meant considerable suffering,

and often with a political price to be paid.

Thanks to the spread of technology, particularly in the

communications sector, it is now possible for companies

and organizations to operate on a global scale and to enter

virtually any local market of their choosing. Consequently,

economic domination has shifted to the large, transnational

corporations and financial conglomerates, which are

increasingly the prime movers in most economic systems.

Predictably, the poor and unprepared are increasingly

isolated and marginalized. It is therefore not surprising that

there is a mounting and widespread backlash against the

destructive effects of this global juggernaut.

The old market economy system following the Second

World War — the Marshall Plan era — survived because

there were few persistent losers. Everyone got something

from the system and could claim ownership. We cannot say

that today, for the roster of losers is mounting ominously.

This is a distressing omen for the new millennium, made all

the more tragic and infuriating because of the abundance of

possible remedies. We can make the system work

effectively and beneficially if the will is there. But at

present the international community lacks determination and

a sense of compassion. That does not bode well for

mankind.

Globalization and the rapid expansion and integration

of the international economy have undoubtedly brought

immense benefits to many countries and positive changes

in the living conditions of many individuals. However,

many countries and their populations, particularly in the

developing world, are increasingly facing marginalization

and hopelessness because they are not able to cope with

the rapid pace of integration. The least developed

countries in particular require special attention so that

they do not slip further into the abyss of poverty and

disintegration.

Clearly, the Horn of Africa has had far more than its

share of wars, natural disasters, collapsing States,

economic decline and wasted national and human

potential. For Djibouti, survival alone has consistently

presented an enormous challenge. However, our nation

today is stronger and more unified than ever before. We

owe this to the wisdom, perseverance and foresight of our

first President and father of the nation, my mentor, The

Honourable Hassan Gouled Aptidon, who voluntarily

retired a few months ago — a praiseworthy decision. He

forged a nation and gave it purpose and strength. His

enlightened leadership enabled us to remain at peace,

while sensitive to our region's difficulties and needs. I am

proud to follow in the footsteps of this great soul, and I

am determined to safeguard his legacy and our democratic

traditions and institutions.

Djibouti will continue to work for good governance,

democracy and independence, with respect for human

rights. We will continue, true to our cultural heritage, to

give sanctuary to people displaced by conflicts in our

region, despite the severe strain this puts on our meagre

resources.

Africa has many hopeful spots, but there remain a

number of disturbing conflicts involving nations, countless

rebel and separatist movements and factions. Democratic

elections took place a few months ago in two major

States of sub-Saharan Africa — Nigeria and South

Africa — and in smaller ones, such as Djibouti, while in

most of the major conflicts ravaging the continent

ceasefires or peace processes are under way.

In looking over these developments, what can we

reasonably expect? What must we strive to bring about?

Our first priority must be to bring conflict and destruction

to an end. That is why ceasefires, the withdrawal of

combatants, disarmament, the settlement of conflicts, and

the resettlement of displaced persons are important

priorities for Africa.

As conflicts rage in the heart of the continent, a

dangerous new tendency has begun to appear. Conflicts

are no longer localized or fought between two clear

adversaries, but attract a growing legion of participants

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with divergent agendas. It is depressing to witness the

massive loss of life, the wanton destruction and the virtual

collapse of societies.

We are therefore relieved that the brutal conflict in

Sierra Leone is at last resolved. Besides Somalia, perhaps

the most worrying conflict now is Angola, where again

outside actors appear to be playing significant roles.

We therefore naturally support the call of the

Secretary-General, who in his report on conflict in Africa

called for a reversal of the international community's great

reluctance in recent years to assume the political and

financial responsibilities associated with deploying

peacekeeping operations.

We must also do everything we can to augment the

United Nations capacity in humanitarian assistance, as well

as in post-conflict peace-building.

None of this, though, should absolve Africa of the

need to come together to strengthen its own crisis response

and peacekeeping capability, through the Organization of

African Unity (OAU) and subregional organizations.

Last year, in his address to this Assembly, my

predecessor noted the sudden and surprising outbreak of

massive hostilities between our neighbours, Ethiopia and

Eritrea. This has been the cause of much anguish,

apprehension and instability in the Horn of Africa. The loss

of life on both sides is among the greatest ever witnessed

between African States. Persistent efforts by the OAU and

various countries, including Djibouti, have proved to be in

vain. Ethiopia is presently seeking further clarification on

the “technical arrangements” proposed by the OAU, and we

hope that the ongoing efforts will produce the desired

breakthrough. If a ceasefire does not take effect and

agreement is not reached, the destruction and further loss of

life will once again be deplorable. Years will be needed to

repair the damage done to ethnic tolerance and trust in the

Horn of Africa. We therefore support the OAU, which is

demonstrating its tenacity and foresight in trying to bring

about a lasting resolution of this crisis.

Clearly, Eritrea needs to be a good neighbour to all its

neighbours. Djibouti is now facing a relentless threat of

destabilization through incursions and landmines, as well as

the training and arming of disaffected elements. Rather than

being confined to Ethiopia, hostilities have spread to

practically every country in the Horn. We sincerely believe

that Eritrea would gain more as an equal partner in the

collective regional efforts to fashion a comprehensive

peace, augment development and address the challenges

of environmental degradation, rather than pursuing a

policy of confrontation and senseless and reckless

destabilization.

The renewed dialogue between the Palestinians and

the new Israeli leader appears to offer a promising

opportunity for charting a new course in the Middle East.

The most urgent need is to restore confidence — a task

that will involve winning over the hearts and minds of

Palestinians jaded by the cynicism of successive Israeli

Governments. The timely implementation of the

provisions of the recent agreement should help build the

necessary confidence by making the parties see reason.

Advantage must be taken of the current momentum,

despite the efforts of hostile factions.

Now that a time-table has been set for the

consideration of final-status issues such as borders,

settlements, the status of Jerusalem, refugees, water and

statehood for Palestine, the outcome will depend on the

will and commitment of both sides. The road should also

be cleared for a settlement of the Golan Heights question

and for the Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, in

accordance with Security Council resolution 425 (1978).

The crippling sanctions imposed on Iraq almost a

decade ago have taken a heavy toll on the population,

particularly on the elderly, women and children. We urge

the international community to undertake a realistic

review of these sanctions with a view to lifting them

altogether.

The Arab world and the world as a whole have

recently lost several remarkable and pragmatic leaders.

King Hussein of Jordan, the Amir of Bahrain and King

Hassan II of Morocco are no longer with us. Although we

all feel a sense of loss at their premature demise, we have

every confidence their legacies will live on.

Mr. President, I beg your indulgence, as I would

now like to speak at length about the tragedy in Somalia.

For nearly a decade now we have been witnessing the

inexorable disintegration of Somalia. With their country

racked by violence and lacking a government, the Somali

people are being denied their basic human rights. It is

imperative that every effort be made to alleviate the

suffering of the millions of Somalis who have been living

a precarious existence for a decade now. Housing and

water are alarmingly scarce. Rampant lawlessness

prevails, the country is at a political impasse, and its

future is bleak. If no concrete steps are taken, the result

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will be continued misery and despair, as well as the

continued destabilization of Somalia's neighbours.

This unique situation, I would even say this tragedy,

ought to be given priority — the kind of serious

consideration that is given to other tragedies. We strongly

believe that international and regional stability depend to a

large extent on the domestic stability of all of the States

Members of this Organization.

It is tragic indeed that the international community is

unwilling to acknowledge this reality, simply because, it

seems, it has no vital national interests at stake there. So

the warlords are left to fight it out until a victor emerges

and a degree of order is restored. Political will on the part

of the international community can bring peace to Somalia,

too.

Because of pervasive indifference and a lack of

resolve, vision and action on our part, Somalia is

crumbling. It is no longer a politically viable entity. Indeed,

the continued anarchy in that country is indicative of the

failure of global governance to serve poor countries in the

developing world. The Somali people know that only too

well. A decade of violence, hunger, disease and uncertainty

has given rise to unparalleled levels of despair. All Somalis,

it is safe to say, are living below the poverty line, and the

devastating civil war shows no signs of abating in most

parts of the country. Somalia could easily become a magnet

for criminal elements, drug traffickers and terrorists as well

as a dumping ground of dangerous toxic wastes.

Overfishing by foreigners of Somalia's unprotected waters

is also a cause of great concern to us.

The latest comprehensive report of the Secretary-

General on Somalia accurately notes that the country has

degenerated into a black hole of anarchy, with no national

government or attributes of statehood. The principal victims

of this senseless conflict are an entire generation of Somali

children, who are being denied access to education.

The United Nations intervened in Somalia in 1992

with all the right intentions: to restore peace, stability, and

law and order. In this respect, it was entrusted with

assisting the Somali people in rebuilding their economy and

their social and political life; restoring their institutional

structures; achieving national political reconciliation; and

recreating a Somali state based on democratic governance.

Regrettably, those laudable intentions came to naught

following the termination of the United Nations Operation

in Somalia, due to the lack of cooperation from the Somali

factions over security issues, and despite the exceptional

circumstances, in particular the absence of a government

in Somalia.

Since the end of the United Nations operation, two

conferences have given rise to a certain optimism — the

Ethiopian-sponsored Sodere conference and the Cairo

conference, sponsored by the Egyptian Government.

However, both conferences succeeded only in highlighting

the divisions among the warlords on the one hand and the

interested countries on the other.

Several countries and organizations have worked

tirelessly to restore some measure of governance in

Somalia. The focus, though, has always remained on

bringing together the feuding warlords in order to assist

them in reaching an agreement that would end the

stalemate. But seeking a lasting settlement through the

warlords, as has repeatedly and unambiguously been

demonstrated throughout the conflict, has proved to be

wishful thinking; uncertainty reigns, and the culture of

impunity persists. Lately, we have seen the formation of

all sorts of political and military alliances across factional

lines in a bid to pacify the country, but such initiatives

are often greeted with scepticism or even criticism by

other factions and even by certain countries. Clearly, not

a single factional leader can claim national support or

acceptance, because Somali civil society has grown

cynical about a political game devoid of sincerity, vision

and substance.

Everybody agrees in recognizing that the warlords

can offer nothing that would lead us to believe that they

will ever agree on a lasting settlement, much less the

implementation of conclusions agreed between them. The

people are tired of false rhetoric and deception, as they

become poorer and their future becomes bleaker every

day. Even beyond Somalia, the warlords pose a potential

threat. They need to be resisted, for there is the very real

problem of a “contagion” effect, whereby chronic

instability in one country in the Horn might prove to be

a real threat to its neighbours, if it is not contained or

eliminated within a reasonable period of time.

Liberia’s seven-year war, with its child soldiers and

unspeakable atrocities against civilians, helped set a tragic

pattern that was repeated in Sierra Leone. Obviously,

already inundated with weapons, Somalia hardly needs

external involvement by way of arms supplies or proxy

confrontations, but that is precisely what is now taking

place in that country. For all of us, this situation only

increases our worry about Somalia’s future.

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The challenge that we now face is therefore of

establishing an authority to fill the void that is continuously

being exploited by the warlords. Convening more

conferences that always yield the same results, as has been

the case over the last 10 years is not the remedy. If we

continue to entertain the notion of holding yet more of the

so-called national reconciliation conferences indefinitely, or

into the next decade, in search of peace in Somalia, then

we are, in effect, saying that Somali civil society is

condemned to an uncertain future, because the international

community is not prepared to protect it from criminal

elements that usurped power. Despite the “legitimacy”

wrongly accorded them by the international community,

they have never agreed, and will never agree, on anything.

Trying to appease the warlords has never succeeded and

never will.

The Somalis, too, have human rights; they have the

same right as others to be protected from oppressive,

malicious and power-hungry individuals who continually

and freely move from one capital to another, raising funds

and securing armaments. Although these individuals are

responsible for the destruction of their country, for the

deaths of tens of thousands of innocent civilians, countless

numbers of casualties and for the paralysis that immobilizes

the country to this day, the international community did not

intervene in Somalia, “to defend humanitarian principles

and to stand up for the values of civilization and justice”,

as one Western leader stated in justifying the Kosovo

operation. The United Nations Operation in Somalia was

also saddled with ambiguities in its mandate and there was

never an intention to rid the country of the warlords.

Furthermore, Kosovo represents a clear case of

determined and vigorous action to achieve a specific

objective — to drive the marauding Serb army from

Kosovo. Furthermore, the United Nations operation in

Kosovo is vested with unprecedented power, because the

circumstances warrant the exercise of nearly sovereign

powers. It has authority over the territory, the people of

Kosovo, the legislative and the executive powers of

Kosovo, including the administration of the judiciary

system. That mandate is a far cry from that in Somalia; but

then Somalia is not Kosovo.

We all agree that the current level of fragmentation

cannot be allowed to continue. Many ideas have been

floated in the past, but none of these will succeed or even

survive as long as the warlords have the luxury of

determining the fate of Somalia. Indeed, they continue to

exercise a veto over the restoration of peace and national

authority. The question remains, for how many more years

will Somali society have to wait until the warlords accept

a power-sharing coalition? Until a final victor emerges?

For ever?

Liberia was reconstituted through strong international

efforts. Warlords of varying levels of power and support

eventually submitted to international pressures and

accepted independent, internationally supervised

democratic elections, followed by the implementation of

agreements during a year of transition carried out under

the leadership of an individual — in fact, a woman — not

affiliated with any of the warlords. The elections were

described as “free and fair”, and Liberians were thus able

to bid farewell at last to a destructive and intractable

conflict. This was indeed an exemplary process in which

the Economic Community of West African States,

supported by the United Nations, played a leading role.

Since the outbreak of the Somali crisis some 10

years ago, the United Nations, the Organization of

African Unity, the League of Arab States, the

Organization of the Islamic Conference, the

Intergovernmental Authority on Development and our

subregional organization, as well as many countries, both

within and outside the region, have tried to salvage that

nation from mayhem, anarchy and political paralysis

through all kinds of conferences, meetings and contacts

with and among the warlords. Sadly, however, the

warlords have repeatedly demonstrated their unwillingness

to heed the international community’s call to put the good

of the country above their individual lust for power and

control.

We have to ask ourselves, as leaders of the world

assembled here, what should be done about Somalia. The

time has come, in our view, for the international

community to take a decision to break the long silence on

this forgotten conflict by supporting bold, decisive

measures against the warlords.

That is why, after deep reflection and after taking

into account all relevant factors, I felt compelled to set

out before the Assembly today a series of proposals and

phased measures that would be the expression of our

outrage, frustration and impatience with the status quo

perpetuated by the warlords.

The first phase has to do with the fact that the

warlords, as I have described with great sorrow, have

failed on every count during this long, intractable civil

war. Thus, I am loath to support yet another conference

held for these men who have completely lost the

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confidence of their people. It is time Somali civil society —

including intellectuals, artists and mothers — assumed

responsibility.

The Somali people has matured politically during these

years of suffering and knows what it needs: economic

prosperity and social progress in a context of democracy,

liberty and peace.

In line with the wishes of the Somali people, Djibouti

is embarking upon measures intended; to enhance and

strengthen Somali’s confidence in themselves, in each other

and in their common destiny; to make a real contract of

trust and progress between the actors of economic, social,

cultural and intellectual life; and to implement with

determination, serenity and equity the work of

rehabilitation, political, economic and administrative

normalization and the promotion of the culture of dialogue

between the Somali people in order to create a lasting

environment of dialogue for the emergence of a new

generation of decision makers.

In order for Djibouti to have confidence in the Somali

people’s responsibility for its future, Somali citizens must

finally be given the right to speak out so that they can

restore the essential values of liberty, truth, justice,

responsibility and transparency. By working for and basing

themselves on Somali civil society through the holding of

a genuine reconciliation conference, the representatives of

the Somali people, including the warlords, will be

committing themselves to the path of peace and national

reconciliation.

We seek a Somalia led and governed by the best

people drawn from all generations, in particular people who

inspire confidence because of their commitment to law,

justice, freedom and peace; those who will govern with a

view to fulfilling a mandate that can be withdrawn at any

time in accordance with the requirements of the common

good; those who do not think only of profiting by the

misfortune of their brethren to gain a scrap of power no

matter what the cost to the Somali nation. Somalia needs

those men and women who in spite of everything have

retained their ethical values, the force of their personalities

and their intellectual and spiritual dynamism: free men and

women who are ready to offer their fellow Somalis a

credible way out of their tragedy that will be consistent

with the cultural heritage and collective memory of the

Somali people.

The reconciliation conference must give rise to

agreement and commitment by all Somalis to the following

principles. First, there must be acceptance of the basic

principle that the Somali people is free to exercise its

democratic right to select its own regional and national

leaders in accordance with a time-frame of its own

choosing. Secondly, the warlords must agree to convert

their factions into political parties that can compete in

elections if they choose to do so. Thirdly, the warlords

must agree to the complete and verifiable disarmament of

their fighters. Fourthly, the warlords must submit to the

primacy of law. Fifthly, the warlords must accede to the

international community’s request to participate in the

restoration of normalcy, law and order, and a framework

for governance. And finally, a national police force must

be established, one that will represent the entire Somali

community and that can incorporate the various militias,

which will have the opportunity to participate in it.

Here I should say that some countries in or outside

of the Horn of Africa, which in one way or another are

fueling the conflict in Somalia, must reconsider their

positions. These countries are pursuing narrow national

interests by supporting the profusion of warlords in

various ways, and they are only prolonging the agony and

privation of Somali civil society. I call on all actors in the

civil war to review their priorities with a view to

achieving peace in Somalia. It is time that they controlled

themselves: high time.

When they can agree that the warlords fully support

or accept the parameters of phase one, the Organization

of African Unity (OAU), the United Nations and the

countries of the region must work together to help

Somalia in its transition to democracy. As in Guinea-

Bissau, the United Nations should establish a post-conflict

peace-building office in Somalia to initiate projects in

support of this process, including by coordinating and

monitoring the holding of legislative and presidential

elections.

I turn now to phase two. If the warlords place

insurmountable obstacles on the road to peace, the

international community will have to shoulder its

responsibility and demonstrate robustly that it cannot let

the persecution of Somali civilians continue indefinitely

without taking action. The warlords must in that case be

prosecuted for crimes against humanity: for abuse of

power, especially through the unjustified persecution of

civilians; for flagrant violations of human rights; and for

having caused the collapse of the State and the

destruction of their country. With their unabated violence

and their erratic behaviour, the warlords have stolen the

childhood from Somalia’s young people; they have

6

deprived their nation of hope and of a future; they have

condemned their people to a precarious existence.

Moreover, harsh and targeted punishment must be

meted out to warlords who do not agree to the international

community’s demand that peace and a framework for

governance be restored in Somalia: they must be confined

to their bleak and battered areas; they must be banned from

freely traveling abroad to further their sinister designs; all

foreign support and all assistance, whether monetary or

material, must be banned; and all their assets, in all forms

and wherever they are located, must be frozen.

Turning to phase three, if the measures set out in the

first two phases cannot achieve the objectives because of

obstruction by the warlords, we would be faced with two

difficult choices: We could continue to remain indifferent

and to do nothing about the decade-old siege of Somalia; or

organizations to which Somalia belongs, first and foremost

the Organization of African Unity and the League of Arab

States, with support from the United Nations and from

other countries, could decide that they were obliged to

resolve the situation by using all necessary means on the

principle that no State — or criminal warlord in this

case — may continue indefinitely to commit flagrant

violations of human rights and to hold a country hostage

forever.

Those are the critical scenarios we need to discuss,

because, however much one might wish to forget Somalia,

it will not just go away. We must do something to remedy

the situation, and we must do it as quickly as possible.

Let me reiterate that we must put an end to the

complacency we have displayed towards the warlords, and

that Somali civil society must be more closely involved in

any future process.

It is important to note that the situation is not the same

in all regions of the country; anarchy does not prevail

everywhere. Somalia has many contrasting faces depending

on the region. While disorder reigns in areas of the centre

and the South, northern regions such as the self-proclaimed

states of Somaliland and Puntland are enjoying relative

peace and stability. Those two areas fortunately escaped

most of the conflict that ravaged the country in the 1990s.

They have made a great effort to strengthen security and,

with very little outside assistance, have carried out

admittedly limited economic reconstruction programmes.

The international community has thus far been wary of

providing meaningful assistance, on the pretext that the

political and security situation makes it impossible.

As we meet here today, communities in many towns

and regions are organizing to determine their own future.

This trend towards decentralization or self-administration

is based on the strong determination of the Somalis not to

succumb, but rather to survive. The international

community is duty-bound to provide economic support for

these regions and communities that have achieved relative

peace, security and the beginnings of development: near-

normalcy. The international community should reward

those who are trying to provide their people with basic

services, including an institutional framework and mine-

clearance efforts.

I am grateful to the Secretary-General, who has

placed the question of Somalia high on the international

agenda, and to United Nations agencies such as the

United Nations Development Programme, the United

Nations Children’s Fund, the Office of the United Nations

High Commissioner for Refugees and the World Food

Programme and their partners, who have provided food

and care to the Somali people despite the risks for the

safety of their personnel. But these praiseworthy efforts

seem to be showing some fatigue, even frustration,

because of inadequate support from donors, as reflected

in the lukewarm response to the 1999 United Nations

appeal. We urge the international community to continue

to help the Somali people during these times, which are

particularly difficult due in part to the long drought,

further exacerbated by the ongoing civil war.