Ivory Coast, 1969

83. Permit me to take this opportunity to pay to you, Madam

President, the respectful tribute which is your due, and to

offer you the congratulations of the Government of the

Ivory Coast on your election to the honourable position of

President of our General Assembly. The Ivory Coast, which

has the most fraternal and close relations with Liberia, is

proud of this trust placed in you, which redounds to the

honour of all African women and the whole of Africa. We

desire that you may discharge this heavy task with great

success and that your maternal love may lead you to place

all your experience at the service of the world in general

and of Africa in particular, so that we Africans may never

stray from the road of brotherhood among men and the

path to peace.

84. Twice, in 1914 and 1939, the peace of the world has

collapsed. Although, paradoxically, the two resulting wars

freed colonial peoples and released nationalism, we still

think that peace remains the most important objective for

the future development of peoples. It must, however, be a

peace that is not only an absence of war but also a constant

construction of a harmonious society in which all men,

being equal and having a higher standard of living, will feel

the need to settle all their disputes by peaceful means.

85. Such a peace has to be worked for; it requires a special

type of behaviour and attitudes, forbearance, tolerance — a

whole set of conditions which may not fit a partner’s

temporary interests. But the Ivory Coast has chosen them

as the substance of its internal and foreign policy and, on

that basis, has vowed to explore tirelessly every path which

might lead to such a peace. Having made this choice, we

shall appeal to your indulgence, your tolerance and your

understanding — since you are all aware of the need for

coexistence in diversity — to hear us state the position of the

Ivory. Coast on the various problems dividing the world.

86. The Ivory Coast is guided at all times by humane

principles, which are the constant factors in its diplomacy.

Acting thus, we seek neither to please nor to offend, but to

do all in our power to contribute to the preservation of an

orderly peace.

87. A war is raging in the west of Africa. It is entering its

third year. In it, one ethnic group faces others. It has

already caused almost two million deaths. This war is being

waged in an undeveloped country where the medical

infrastructure and the network of food distribution are

insufficient, where the quality of building materials in the

villages is rudimentary, where bomb shelters do not exist.

88. Yet, because of the intervention of some great Powers

and with their connivance, this war is being waged with the

most modern and sophisticated weapons; British and

Russian bombs are being dropped by Ilyushin planes on

defenceless villages. All these factors have made it the most

devastating, murderous and inhuman war that the modern

world has known; two million dead in two years, in such a

small area.

89. Death is caused there by weapons, disease and hunger,

without distinction of age. Children, whom the Ivory Coast

and some other countries, in a praiseworthy humane and

charitable effort, are trying to keep alive, come to us in

such a state of malnutrition that, despite the most modern

treatment we can provide, they will remain indelibly

marked, handicapped and weakened at a time when Africa

needs healthy and vigorous men.

90. It is inconceivable that the prolongation of such a war,

the accumulation of so much misery, can have any other

result than to kill out in these men, these widows, these

disabled, any will, any design, even any idea of wanting or

being able to live in harmony within a united Nigeria.

91. Biafra was born from the disintegration of Nigeria

after a succession of seizures of power which created a

climate of insecurity, fear, terror and tribal hatred.

Contrary to the view of some of our friends, who believe in

curing evil with evil, we firmly believe that the war is

adding to that insecurity, fear, terror and tribal hatred, and

that it is only further deepening the gap between the two

communities.

92. The principle which induces some countries to ignore

this tragedy, on the pretext that it is simply a matter for

Africans, is unacceptable. This tragedy, by its scope and the

number of its victims, extends beyond its African setting

and threatens international peace and security.

93. The United Nations is in duty bound to concern itself

actively, alongside the regional organizations, with anything

likely to endanger peace or human rights, as it did in

Cyprus, the Dominican Republic and the Congo. History

teaches us that the Swiss Confederation, which has similarities

with our young countries, composed as they are of

conglomerations of tribes with different languages and

religions, was in 1848 likewise torn asunder by quarrels and

conflicts born of its own diversity of language and religion.

It has become what it is today only because some cantons

and other countries not involved in the disputes offered,

either on their own initiative or upon request, their

mediation and good offices and proposed a compromise

peace to the parties at variance.

94. This war must cease, in the interest of Nigeria, of

Africa, and of the world. Let us unite in exerting pressure

on the great Powers turned arms merchants to cease

transforming this part of Africa into a suppurating focus for

their ideological struggle and conflicts of interest.

95. We are therefore deeply convinced of the pressing

need for a person of incontrovertible spiritual authority,

such as yourself, Madam President, or the Secretary-General,

to address an urgent appeal to the parties to cease

hostilities immediately and start negotiations to find a just

and fair solution acceptable to all.

96. As for the Middle East, it is drifting into a war of

attrition with disquieting aspects. The Governments responsible

are no longer in control of the situation, which has

been taken over by the Palestinians themselves. War

operations are extending beyond the Middle East, in the air

and on the ground, and are arousing deep apprehension

among innocent peoples far removed from the scene of the

conflict.

97. His Holiness Pope Paul VI sees in this situation

portents of a generalized conflict.

98. In a joint declaration dated 20 September 1969 the

great Powers declare that all the States of the region have

the right to exist; yet they continue to give them arms to

destroy each other. It is high time that the great Powers

responsible for the situation in the Middle East increased

their efforts to lead the parties towards a search for a

peaceful solution; military means having proved useless,

dialogue becomes a necessity. It may assume various forms,

taking place either face to face or through intermediaries,

so long as the participants act in good faith. The Ivory

Coast affirms its belief in a negotiated settlement based on

the declaration of the great Powers and on the implementation

of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) dated 22 November 1967.

99. At last, after twenty years of war, twenty years in

which Viet-Nam has been divided and torn asunder, twenty

years during which economic development has been sacrificed

to war needs, negotiations have begun. Better late

than never. It is never too late to do good; therefore the

Ivory Coast welcomes the Paris conference on Viet-Nam

and expresses the wish that the parties will continue the

dialogue with patience and determination and in good faith.

May their efforts be crowned with success, so that peace

may return for ever to Viet-Nam.

100. We shall soon be celebrating the tenth anniversary of

the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to

Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)].

Yet African territories remain under the domination of an

out-dated colonialism. Nearly twenty-five years ago, our

Charter solemnly proclaimed the equality of all men; but in

southern Africa a State Member of the United Nations,

which subscribed to that Charter, is writing racial discrimination

into its law. We must keep a constant watch on this

state of affairs, for it is weakening our Organization.

101. As to the Portuguese colonies, the legal fiction to

which Portugal clings in order to retain these colonies is

largely obsolete. The events which have shaken Africa since

the Second World War are deeply rooted in that nationalism

which broke up the great empires of Europe and Asia.

These are “novas ideas”, as the Old Man of Cabinda said.

Guns will be of no avail; these ideas will bring the

independence of Africa to completion and free it for ever

from colonial domination. Although assimilation originates

in an idealistic and praiseworthy spirit, Portugal must face

the obvious; in the context of present-day Africa, there is

no other acceptable road than that of self-determination.

We are ready to help Portugal, which has become a prisoner

of its own system, but on condition that it categorically

proclaims its acceptance of the process of leading its

territories to independence.

102. Apartheid also seems to us a consequence of the

“great fear“. Its advocates are trying to reserve part of the

territory of South Africa exclusively for the white race, and

endeavour to justify their attitude by so-called scientific or

biblical principles proclaiming racial superiority.

103. However, we must try to convince those whites of

South Africa that their fear is not justified, that the

decision to live in Africa implies the acceptance of a

mixture of races and civilizations, giving birth to a

composite civilization and manifesting the progress of

mankind, and that if, unfortunately, apartheid were to stay,

the accumulated hatred would impel Africa on the road to

vengeance. A war of attrition, like that raging in other parts

of the world, would then become established in Africa, to

the prejudice of the economic progress which is indispensable

for the well-being of all peoples living on our continent.

104. Happily, not all the whites in South Africa are

racists. There is a minority, but one that is gagged. Threats

from the outside can only add to the difficulties of this

élite. Those threats, therefore, must be replaced by a

realistic policy likely to help that minority to grow. Thus

the United Nations could convene a world conference on

apartheid, not in order to utter platonic condemnations but

to bring together scientists, theologians of all religions,

politicians, businessmen and workers from all over the

world, including both communities of South Africa. Its

work would demonstrate and expose the fallacy of the

scientific and biblical arguments put forward in support of

apartheid, would seek the true and deep-seated causes of

this scourge, and would suggest remedies.

105. Some great Powers have made mistakes whose

consequences will be with us for a long time. Rhodesia is

one of the mistakes made by the United Kingdom, that

champion of Nigerian unity, which divided Ireland and the

Indian Union, and is about to transform the Rock of

Gibraltar into a mini-state. From the time of the dissolution

of the East African Federation to the creation of the

Rhodesian State, the United Nations by many resolutions

has vainly striven to persuade the administering Power not

to hand over the armed forces to the white minority

government of Rhodesia, not to concede the 1961 Constitution

and not give up the legal powers which the United

Kingdom held by virtue of earlier constitutions and through

which it could prevent the adoption or promulgation of

discriminatory laws. But, as one position after another has

been abandoned, the last example being the recall of the

British Governor the day after the comedy of the referendum

on the so-called Rhodesian Republic, the fait accompli

has now been consecrated and legalized. It is easy to take

the next step and to say that the United Kingdom can do

nothing since it no longer has any relations with Rhodesia:

the representatives of the British Government have almost

said as much from this rostrum. And let us note in passing

that the remarkably peaceful attitude adopted by the

United Kingdom during the Rhodesian tragedy, which is

not nearly over, is in very strange contrast with the activist,

or even bellicose, attitude it has adopted elsewhere.

106. No matter what happens, the Ivory Coast continues

to consider the United Kingdom responsible and hopes that

it will find an adequate solution whereby to lead Rhodesia

towards independence with majority rule.

107. That is the Ivory Coast’s position on the problems of

apartheid and decolonization. However, although this situation

is a matter for serious concern, it is not nearly so

horrible as that prevailing in western Africa as a result of

the conflict between Nigeria and Biafra. It is all very well

for Africa to boil with rage over this question, but that it

should remain indifferent to this vast slaughter which has

already claimed two million victims, that it should stand

aside from the chain of human brotherhood which is

leading members of charitable organizations and men from

other continents to risk their lives to save innocent African

women and children — this is something that we simply fail

to understand.

108. Therefore, as a protest against this attitude, which is

a disgrace to African humanism, the Ivory Coast has

decided to abstain on any resolution dealing with this

question until this shameful fratricidal war is ended.

109. The peace that I have defined in my statement

requires an improvement in the living level of populations.

Yet we are witnessing a very disquieting phenomenon, the

widening of the gap between the wealthy and the poor

countries. It is widening because what the economists call

the terms of trade have deteriorated, so that the countries

producing primary commodities are becoming poorer while

the developed countries, no matter what their economic

system, are becoming scandalously richer. The failure of the

World Trade Conference in New Delhi was deeply and

bitterly felt in our countries. If this situation grows worse

and no compensatory machinery is devised, it is likely to

cause such trouble in the world that peace will become

precarious. Experts have proved that the loss of earning power

resulting from that situation cannot be offset by the paltry subsidies

doled out to our countries. Therefore an equalization

system on a world scale must be found to stabilize prices.

110. But we must admit that our peoples will benefit fully

from economic well-being only so far as we can set up in

our countries stable and democratic governments. And our

governments will only be. stable when we learn to abolish

seesaw politics and to keep away from the bipolarity

dividing the world into two blocs. Only by doing so can we

avoid the familiar theory of limited sovereignty which is

invoked to shore up some sort of ideological system.

111. We in the Republic of the Ivory Coast believe in the

future of the United Nations. We believe in the principle of

collective security, of international brotherhood; and our

attitude can be explained only by our desire to help the

United Nations as best we can to fulfil our common pledge

to save future generations, on all continents and in all

countries, from the scourge of general or local war.

112. To conclude, I repeat again that the silence of some

influential Members about the tragedy in western Africa

makes me anxious.

113. One of our illustrious and eminent colleagues, who

devoted his whole life to supporting the United Nations and

fell in that struggle, the late Professor Belaunde, said with

characteristic humour:

“The United Nations is a body in which something is

for ever disappearing: when two small Powers quarrel, the

quarrel disappears; when a great Power and a small Power

are in conflict, the small Power disappears; when two

great Powers quarrel, or when two small Powers have a

dispute in which the great Powers are involved, the

United Nations disappears.”

It was that venerable old gentleman’s way of pointing out

to the impetuous young diplomats which we were at the

time the imperfections of our Organization and its paralysis

by the great Powers’ veto.

114. But I am convinced that the United Nations will

answer our appeal and not disappear in the face of this

horrible war which is devastating Biafra, however ill-advised

the intervention of the great Powers.