Burkina Faso, 1982

The thirty-seventh session of the General

Assembly is taking place at a particularly

crucial time in international life, characterized

basically by a series of grave crises: political

crises that endanger international peace and

security, social crises stemming from unchecked

population growth, economic crises unprecedented

since the establishment of the Bretton Woods

system, crises in international structures and

institutions. ,

Hence we see before us the United Nations, with

its imposing structures and prestige, facing the

greatest difficulty in ensuring that

international law is respected. We see the

Organization displaying its impotence in the

tragedy taking place in the Middle East. Never

before, in the discharge of its responsibilities,

has the United Nations been so convinced of the

futility of its decisions—witness its resolutions

being trampled underfoot by certain Member States

whose duty it is because of their capacity to

negotiate, to set the course of justice and

reason.

This preliminary assessment of the world

situation was necessary in order to highlight the

immensity of the task of presiding over the

Assembly since, through our deliberations and

decisions, it may be possible to restore

confidence in the United Nations and in all those

that never lost faith in its calling. In

extending our most sincere congratulations to Mr.

Hollai on his election, our delegation would like

to offer him our best wishes for the success of

our work. He may be assured that my country,

which as a Vice-President is working with him, is

anxious to give him all possible support and

assistance. I also address my best wishes to the

Secretary-General for success during his term of

office. The way he has discharged his

responsibilities during this first year, so rich

in events, is striking proof of his skill and

ability to direct the Organization. Moreover, his

report on the work of the Organization contains

lucid comments and guidelines which have the full

support of the Upper Volta.

Last year, looking back on the situation in the

world, at the 28th meeting of the thirty-sixth

session, I spoke of a momentum and of hopes which

should not be dashed. Today once again these are

our wishes, although the ills that envelop and

afflict our world make despair a constant

companion.

In the Middle East, first, in spite of four

special sessions of the General Assembly, several

Security Council meetings, a special meeting of

the non-aligned countries and many appeals by the

international community, Israel placed greater

faith in war than in dialogue. AH the efforts

made to reach a just and lasting settlement of

the Palestinian question crashed against the wail

of death and bellicose arrogance erected by

Israel—Israel which, having become a constant

aggressor, proclaims and defends its own rights

while trampling on those of others.

The tragic events in Lebanon are proof enough

that 37 years after San Francisco a State is able

to invade another with impunity under the pretext

of being a liberator. After events in

Afghanistan, Kampuchea and Lebanon, who would

dare to speak of international morality? For

those of us not having double standards, those

acts of aggression are all equally reprehensible.

Thus, we see the Hebrew State, not content with

occupying Arab lands, now interfering in Lebanese

affairs. In this respect we condemn the principle

of fait accomplit. This is why my country fully

supports the Security Council resolution which

demands the establishment and maintenance of a

multinational force whose primary mission would

be to guarantee the security of Palestinians and

to consolidate the integrity and independence of

Lebanon. The massacres of Shatila and Sabra can

in no way wipe out the inalienable rights of the

Palestinian people. Israel, above all, should

know this. Israel should know that as regards the

struggle for the right to life and freedom more

often than not everything follows the well-known

biological phenomenon of organic regeneration. In

other words, the Palestinians who died for

freedom and justice. In these conditions, where does

victory reside? Regardless of the final solution

found and regardless of the means used, the

tragedy in the Middle East cannot be resolved by

force of arms. Only frank and sincere

negotiations between the parties can lead to an

equitable settlement of the dispute. That

settlement must be based on the relevant

decisions of the United Nations, with mutual

recognition of the right to existence of both the

Palestinian people and the Israeli people as an

indispensable prerequisite. In this context, the

Arab peace plan which resulted from the Twelfth

Arab Summit Conference at Fez is an initiative in

the right direction.

Israel must understand this wisdom, this

sacrifice, and respond by giving up all the

territories occupied by force and beginning a

dialogue with the Palestinian people, through its

legitimate representative, the PLO. A policy of

domination or revenge on either side would be a

dead-end policy, catastrophic for the region,

which needs peace so much in order to regain

unity and pool its vast resources to promote its

economic and social development.

The region is also the arena of another conflict,

which has for two years now pitted Iraq and the

Islamic Republic of Iran against each other on

geo-strategic and political-ideological grounds.

The Upper Volta is increasingly concerned by the

magnitude of that confrontation, which, if not

soon honorably resolved may lead to foreign

intervention, thus endangering international

security. We appeal to those two non-aligned

States to conform to the ideals of the

non-aligned movement, which are based on peaceful

coexistence, and put an end to a fratricidal war

which wounds and weakens us all.

Africa and Asia are also hotbeds of tension, and

here again we cannot but be pessimistic. With the

complicity of certain Powers, the racist regime

of Pretoria stalks and murders the freedom

fighters who struggle to recover their dignity as

free men. In spite of these vicissitudes, the

African National Congress and SWAPO are

continuing their heroic struggle for a completely

free South Africa and an independent and

sovereign Namibia.

The blind hostility of apartheid to the

objectives of Africa lead to repeated incursions

against the frontline States, inflicting human

suffering and material damage upon them and

arousing only verbal condemnation from the Powers

which oppose any sanctions against the South

African regime. None the less those sanctions are

necessary to compel the South African authorities

to be more reasonable. Those sanctions are

essential to put an end to the odious

segregationist system which still, at the end of

this twentieth century, dares to institutionalize

as a system of government the theory of racial

superiority dear to the Fascist regimes. In the

name of justice and dignity, we wish to reiterate

our support for the front-line States, whose

determination and perseverance do honor to all

Africa. In the name of justice and freedom, we

ask the members of the contact group to apply all

their skill in persuasion and negotiation to make

the Pretoria regime understand that the

independence of Namibia is inevitable and

necessary.

As regards the events in Chad, every African

country had its own opinion, and positions were

often contradictory and even conflicting. What is

comforting is that we were able to exercise

self-control and turn to will rise again from

their ashes the OAU, which had its first

experience of maintaining peace in a country prey

to civil war. Despite the difficulties it faced,

the OAU accomplished useful work in Chad. In

these circumstances, who would venture to

question the usefulness and importance of that

organization? It follows that the disagreements

that now exist within the OAU because of the

question of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic

will not inevitably lead to its disappearance. On

the contrary, the enthusiasm and faith that

presided over the organization's birth must not

wane and give way to disputes and excommunication.

On the question of Western Sahara, my country's

position is very clear: it is based on our desire

to work sincerely for the unity of Africa and on

our wish to respect the norms of law, without

which that unity would be only artificial. We in

the Upper Volta are accustomed to independent

thought and action, because the Upper Volta does

not belong to any outside school; it has its own

school. This underlies our vision of African

unity; it also underlies our position on the

question of Western Sahara, whose solution must

involve an awareness of the following realities.

The question of Western Sahara is an exclusively

African question; hence there is no need to refer

it to the League of Arab States. A just and

lasting settlement of the question must be based,

above all, on the original principles of our

organization; it is essential that the nineteenth

session of the Assembly of Heads of State and

Government of the OAU be held, as planned, at

Tripoli.

Above and beyond misunderstandings and

sensitivities, what is important is cohesion and

unity. In the life of any institution at some

time or other there are difficulties that must be

overcome. Let us, therefore, rally to safeguard

our own unity. This is a categorical need,

because an Africa bedeviled from within cannot

allow itself to be destabilized or distracted by

hegemonic designs.

Similarly, as regards Asia, we deplore the clear

interference of foreign Powers in Afghanistan and

Kampuchea. In the case of those countries, just

as wherever else it is violated—in Africa, in

Latin America—we wish to see respect for the

principle of noninterference.

The question of Korea has always been a matter of

concern to my country, which calls for and works

towards reconciliation between the two Koreas and

their reunification. The Upper Volta urges them

to settle the Korean question by peaceful means,

through negotiations, without foreign

interference.

Now the force which brings together the countries

of Latin America, Asia and Africa, the non-

aligned movement must preserve the integrity of

its basic principle, non-alignment. Increasingly

lost sight of, non-alignment is increasingly

necessary, vital and consistent with our

fundamental interests. Without strict respect for

the principles of our movement and in the hands

of hegemonic Powers, we become pawns in a game

that they play and control to satisfy their own

strategic interests. Our ideals transcend that

sad destiny, and our actions must no longer doom

us to it. Our task is to contribute balance and

justice to the international community. We must

also work fervently for a world based on true

collective security.

In this context we can only be disappointed and

frustrated that the second special session of the

General Assembly devoted to disarmament, in which

all countries had placed such great hopes, ended

in failure. The main cause was the bad faith of

the nuclear States, which kept raising objections

and reservations in an attempt to make

disarmament their own preserve. Even if their

arsenals warrant such pretension, it still

remains true that peace is everybody's business.

In spite of those disappointing results, we

consider it necessary, within the framework of

the World Disarmament Campaign, to continue to

mobilize world public opinion in favor of peace.

The future of the world economy arouses deep

concern in my country. The present crisis,

because of its multifaceted nature, spares no

country, whether of North or South,

industrialized or developing. Inflation and

unemployment have sounded the alarm everywhere.

The elements of a crisis similar to that of the

1930s are again present and, as if this were

enough to overcome it, certain economic Powers

have taken protectionist measures, which have had

the immediate effect of producing disorder in

international economic trade. In the long term it

is to be feared that those same measures may lead

to social and polemical upheaval, with

unforeseeable results.

Another feature of the present situation which is

equally disturbing to my country is the slowing

down of the humanist movement towards

international co-operation which had led to the

creation of a number of bodies within the United

Nations system designed to Foster the development

of the least-favored countries.

As proof of that I would cite the enormous

difficulties now faced by UNDP, whose capacity to

intervene in the sphere of international

development has fallen in 1982 below what it was

10 years ago. For the countries that benefit from

that assistance this situation will most

certainly lead to the elimination of many

projects whose economic and social impact is

clear.

123. The concern that I have just shared with the

Assembly is not confined, unfortunately, to UNDP:

it extends also, I am afraid, to such specialized

agencies and bodies as UNICEF, FAO, WHO, UNEP,

and others. It is as though in recent years the

interest that led to the creation of such bodies

has waned; it is as though the suffering, poverty

and penury of millions of human beings prey to

hunger, thirst and the most diverse and cruel

ills no longer awakened ;he conscience of men of

good will.

It is therefore not surprising that this

worldwide economic recession, whether we call it

inflation, an energy crisis or deterioration in

the terms of trade, which paralyses the growth of

the most prosperous, powerful economies should be

destroying the development efforts of the

third-world countries, and, more specifically,

the least developed among them. In Africa, and

more particularly in the Sahelian countries,

these ills, together with natural disasters and

their consequences tend to become a veritable

psychosis.

By the end of this session of the General

Assembly we expect to see an increase in the

number of African countries classified as among

the least developed, which will bring to 52 per

cent the proportion of States on our continent in

that category. These figures speak for

themselves; they are proof that in spite of the

struggle of the African countries since their

independence and in spite of the Lagos Plan of

Action and the efforts of the international

community to help our continent emerge from its

chronic underdevelopment, the results have not

met the expectations of our peoples. Indeed, the

results have even been negative in certain

respects.

It is often said that comparisons are odious.

Without trying to draw analogies between the

present situation of the developing countries and

that of postwar Europe, my country, the Upper

Volta, is convinced that only massive assistance

to those countries along the lines of the

Marshall Plan could help them to solve their

economic problems. Obviously, the success of such

a plan depends on the political will of all

States, particularity the major Powers. In our

view, the latter should reverse the arms race and

devote the resources thus released to the

peaceful purposes of economic and social

development.

It is within this framework that the Upper Volta

attaches particular importance to resumption of

the North-South dialogue and renewal of global

negotiations on economic development. We

therefore appeal to the rich countries, and to

their political will, in particular, to recognize

that the interests of mankind and the very

survival of the human race transcend

self-interest, demand the prompt resumption of

those negotiations and must be the basis of their

philosophy.

The Upper Volta, a land-locked country and one

which is geographically disadvantaged and

classified among the least-developed countries,

welcomed with great satisfaction the adoption of

the United Nations Convention on the Law of the

Sea' on 30 April 1982. The decisive adoption of

that instrument constitutes, in our view, a

striking victory of an international community in

search of its identity, an important step towards

a more just and lasting balance in inter-State

economic relations. Is that not an example, if

example be needed, of the value of dialogue?

I should like on behalf of my country to take

this opportunity to appeal to the States that for

different reasons were unable to adopt the

Convention on the Law of the Sea to review their

position. On a Convention of such importance,

consensus would make it possible for us to mark

one more milestone on the path towards peace and

detente.

Before concluding, I should like to restate my

country's full confidence and faith in the United

Nations and in its noble mission, which is that

of bringing about an era of peace and progress

for the well-being of mankind. The Upper Volta

has attentively followed all the efforts made in

that direction during the past year, whether it

be the World Assembly on Aging, a matter which is

increasingly of concern to the national

community, or the Second United Nations

Conference on the Exploration and Peaceful Uses

of Outer Space which took place in August at

Vienna. We believe that all these activities

share a clear vision of objectives to be attained

in order to make our world more fraternal and

more humane.

It is urgent that the United Nations, through the

proposals for renewal suggested by the Secretary-

General, regain its place and its role in

accordance with the principles of the Charter. It

is essential that all the nations of our world

give the United Nations every support to enable

it to accomplish its mission in our troubled

world, that of safeguarding peace and justice.

Above and beyond the difficulties of all types

that today disturb international life, above and

beyond national selfishness, tension and

conflicts which govern inter-State relations, one

truth remains: never before since the emergence

of life on earth has mankind been more

threatened, more haunted. Never has peace been

more precarious, never has our world been more

anguished, more disturbed; disturbed at the

present, disturbed for the future. In these

conditions, our only chance of survival is to

mobilize all our energies in the service of

greater justice, greater equity on earth.