Tanzania, 1982

Sir, I should like to begin my statement by

extending to you our sincere congratulations on

your election to the presidency of this session.

This is a fitting tribute to your country and to

you personally. We are gratified to note that, at

this crucial time when the United Nations is

being put to severe tests by ever-escalating

tension and conflicts, as well as increasing

economic problems, the membership of the

Organization has entrusted a conscientious and

able statesman with the task of steering us

through this difficult course. I should also like

to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr.

Kittani, who presided over the thirty-sixth

session of the General Assembly with efficiency,

dignity and wisdom. We have noted with

appreciation the commendable efforts continually

expended by the Secretary-General in reasserting

the authority of the Organization and putting it

to the service of nations in time of conflict. In

extending a formal welcome and hearty

congratulations to him on his election to the

post, I pledge my country's fullest co-operation

with him in the years to come.

Since the last session, the international

community, particularly the Organization, has

been confronted with trying times and challenging

issues. The world watched in horror at the damage

in Lebanon. We stood helpless as the conflict in

the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) degenerated into

armed confrontation and took its toll. There is

almost a subtle sense of resignation as continues

to devise the most brutal means of subjugating

the people in South Africa. The Namibian people

continue to be condemned to racist South Africa's

illegal occupation and colonialism. And an end to

the sad Iranian-Iraqi war continues to elude us.

We are at present witnessing one of the most

disturbing periods in the post-war era. The

delicate balance so painstakingly fashioned over

the many years through the process of

international dialogue and detente is giving way

to tension and confrontation. The procedures for

the settlement of disputes which were so

laboriously created have almost lost their

influence over the trend of international

relations. Today tension prevails in all areas of

the world. Confrontation and outright resort to

force become common means of settling disputes.

The fundamental question is whether peace and

security can be maintained in an environment

where there is genuine concern that recourse to

lawlessness will go unpunished by the

international community or, at worst, be received

with acquiescence by Members of the Organization.

The politics of force, so reminiscent of the

cold- war era, seem to be creeping back, thus

poisoning the international political atmosphere.

As a consequence, the global consensus that had

evolved regarding various problems in the world,

stands to be brushed aside by this resurgence of

cold-war politics. In various parts of the world,

perennial problems have continued to be resistant

to solutions and new crisis situations have

emerged.

Peace is a deliberate process. To achieve peace,

we must embark on a clear, deliberate and

determined road in the search for solutions to

the existing conflicts and look into viable means

of averting those that are simmering. But we

cannot do so unless our resolve is definite and

our determination unflinching. We cannot do so

unless we remain faithful to the ideals of the

Charter and are willing to give it a chance to

work. For Member States will be defeating the

very purpose of their signatures to the Charter

if, on the one hand, they extol its ideals and,

on the other, pursue policies aimed at

undermining it.

constitutes constant aggression against the

people of South Africa and a serious threat to

international peace and security. It is a fact

that apartheid is not invincible. But the

struggle for its elimination is frustrated by the

direct or indirect support the regime receives

from some Members of the Organization. These

Members, none the less, increase their

co-operation with and support for that regime. We

need not recount the number of times the

international community has been preventedfrom

taking action by the use of the veto. We need not

remind the Assembly that the issue of

comprehensive sanctions against that regime

remains frozen, solely because of the

unwillingness of some permanent members of the

Security Council to consider it seriously. We

need not spell out all the areas of economic and

political, as well as military, co-operation.

Regrettably, these obstacles placed on the path

of the freedom struggle in South Africa have the

effect of reinforcing the apartheid regime and

making it even more insensitive to reason and

more defiant of world opinion. The overall effect

is to block the peaceful means towards the

elimination of the scourge of . When peaceful

avenues are thus blocked, the freedom fighters

are left with no other option but to resort to

armed resistance. The message which comes out

loud and clear from the land of

is that the people of that unhappy land are

prepared to make supreme sacrifices for their

freedom and for their dignity. In concert with

the rest of Africa, we reaffirm our support for

and solidarity with the South African people and

we reiterate our conviction that the

international community can make an important

contribution to that struggle if it shoulders its

proper responsibility and institutes appropriate

measures.

Today, almost two decades after this body

terminated the Mandate of South Africa and

assumed direct responsibility for the Territory,

the people of Namibia continue to be deprived of

their most basic human rights It is indeed a sad

commentary on the efficacy of the United Nations

that Namibia should continue to be subjected to

racism, colonialism and human suffering. The

continued illegal occupation of that

international Territory by South Africa is a

flagrant violation of international law and

constitutes an affront to world conscience and to

the fundamental dignity of mankind.

The regime has a unique record of flouting

international opinion. Inside Namibia it has

unleashed a reign of terror against the people of

the international Territory and particularly

against the leadership and the heroic combatants

of the South West Africa People's Organization.

The regime has also been busy propping up

internal surrogates in an attempt to facilitate

the imposition of a neo-colonial solution to the

problem.

On the other hand, South Africa has been engaged

in a systematic campaign of destabilization of

the neighboring African States. Using the

international Territory of Namibia as a launching

pad, it has repeatedly committed blatant acts of

aggression against the People's Republic of

Angola and, in the process, has inflicted damage

and destruction to life and property. Women and

children and other innocent civilians have been

its constant victims and for more than one year

now it has occupied parts of southern Angola,

notwithstanding the international outcry and

condemnation. Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe

have also been subjected to aggression while the

apartheid regime has continued its pressures on

Botswana and subversion against the Kingdom of

Lesotho. A part of its conspiracy against these

African States, South Africa has been training,

financing and equipping mercenaries to cause

instability in some of them. All these acts

constitute a clear threat to the security and

stability of the region, with dangerous

implications for international peace and

security. They can be ignored only at our

collective peril.

Negotiations on the question of Namibia have

become a saga of disappointment and frustration.

Whenever there were prospects for a light at the

end of the tunnel, those prospects were shattered

by the introduction of new and unreasonable

demands in the negotiating process. While we have

been engaged in the negotiations aimed at

securing a peaceful settlement to the Namibian

question, we have maintained that: first,

Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains

the basis for achieving independence for Namibia

and thus there is a need to have it implemented

without delay; secondly, the Western contact

group, at whose diplomatic initiative the plan

for the independence of Namibia was originally

conceived and which possesses considerable

leverage over South Africa, has a duty to see to

it that the plan is implemented; and thirdly, the

central role of the Organization in working for

the independence of the Territory must be

underlined.

Over the last few months the front-line States,

SWAPO and Nigeria have been engaged in

constructive consultations with the Western

contact group regarding the implementation of

resolution 435 (1978). We regret that, although

some progress has been made, some issues remain

outstanding. But the main obstacle remains the

intransigence of the South African regime and

this defiance by the South African authorities is

regrettably assisted by the introduction into the

negotiating process of an extraneous issue.

It is thus a matter of deep regret that a non-

issue should be made to pose as a difficulty. The

attempt to link the independence of Namibia with

the withdrawal of Cuban forces from Angola poses

a serious danger of derailing the entire

exercise. The fact that this concept of linkage

is now euphemistically called parallelism does

not in any way change the substance of that

policy. We have made it clear that this issue is

against the letter and the spirit of Security

Council resolution 435 (1978) and constitutes

interference in the internal affairs of a

sovereign State. This position was reiterated by

the heads of State and Government of the

front-line States and by the President of SWAPO

in their communique issued at the?? summit in

Lusaka on 4 September this year. When we consider

the painstaking efforts that have been made by

all concerned with a view to achieving a

negotiated solution to this seemingly intractable

problem, it would be very sad indeed if these

efforts were eventually to crumble because of an

insistence on injecting into negotiations an

issue which is totally alien to resolution 435

(1978). We are, in connection, gratified by the

clear statement made by the Foreign Minister of

France, Mr. Claude Cheyís son; in his press

conference in Dar-es-Salaam yesterday, he made it

very clear that France rejects the issue of

linkage,

Freedom and independence for peoples and

countries are principles we hold sacrosanct. It

is in consonance with this policy that we have

supported and shall continue to support the right

of the people of Western Sahara to

self-determination and independence. It is a

right which is engrained in the Charter of the

United Nations and that of the Organization of

African Unity Thus while we search for a

solution to the problem of Western Sahara, my

country will continue to be guided by its

commitment to these principles.

Another tragic example of the powerlessness of

the international community is the situation in

Lebanon. The ongoing tragedy, with its

implications for the sovereignty and integrity of

a nation and the elementary human rights of the

Lebanese and Palestinian people, is threatening

to lead the entire region down the path of total

conflagration. The Israeli occupation of Lebanon,

the brutal war Israel has perpetrated against the

Palestinians, the siege of Beirut and the

dreadful massacres at Sabra and Shatila are a

clear demonstration of the dangerously

deteriorating situation in the area. Israel has

invaded and continues to occupy the territory of

a sovereign Member of the Organization. It bears

responsibility for the murder of innocent

Palestinian women and children. Perhaps one

cannot adequately express in words the suffering,

torment and the humiliation which the surviving

people are being subjected to under Israeli

occupation.

We pay homage to the Lebanese and the Palestinian

people for their heroism and steadfastness. We

honor their monumental sacrifices, made in the

cause of preserving their dignity and in the

fight for what is right and just. We also pay a

tribute to the Palestine Liberation Organization,

which in a time of such profound crisis has

demonstrated outstanding courage and

statesmanship.

Tanzania reiterates its firm belief that the

restoration of peace and security will come about

not through policies of military adventurism on

the part of Israel, but through the promotion of

the fundamental attributes of peace. A genuine

and lasting peace hinges upon the enjoyment by

the Palestinian people of their inalienable right

to self-determination, including the right to

establish an independent state of their own. The

acquisition of territory by force is

inadmissible, and hence Israel must withdraw from

all the occupied territories. In consonance with

that principle it must equally be underlined that

respect for the sovereignty and territorial

integrity of all States in the area is a

necessary condition for the attainment of a

genuine, viable and lasting solution to the

problem.

The war between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of

Iran continues to be a matter of great concern to

my country. We regret the fact that the two non-

aligned neighbors are still engulfed in a

seemingly unending war which has already claimed

heavy casualties and has led to appalling

devastation, of property. My country has actively

supported, and will continue to support, the

mediations efforts of the United Nations, the

non-aligned movement and the Organization of the

Islamic Conference, as well as those of

individual countries which have sought to find a

speedy, peaceful and lasting resolution of the

conflict. In that connection, we note with

appreciation the considerable efforts expended by

the current Chairman of the non-aligned movement.

Thus, we once more renew our appeal to the

parties to the conflict through negotiations to

bring about an end to the current conflict.

Last year we expressed optimism over the

situation in Cyprus. The momentum which has been

injected into the intercommunal talks with the

submission of comprehensive proposals

encompassing both the territorial and

constitutional aspects of the problem seems,

unfortunately, to have lapsed. The persistence of

this problem continues to plunge that tormented

country into deeper division. My delegation will

continue to support the efforts to promote

dialogue and to search for a political framework

within which the problem can be settled. We

remain hopeful that the parties to the conflict

will demonstrate a genuine willingness to

co-operate fully with the representatives of the

Secretary-General in evolving a mutually

acceptable framework for bringing the tragedy to

an end through the restoration of that country's

unity and territorial integrity, as well as

through the preservation of its sovereignty,

independence and non-alignment.

Tanzania supports the noble efforts of the Korean

people towards the peaceful reunification of

their country. At the same time we firmly believe

that the withdrawal of all foreign troops from

the area would be a significant step towards

ushering in a dialogue between the two parts of

Korea, aimed at eventually bringing about

peaceful reunification.

Both in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, there must be

concerted efforts on our part to settle the

outstanding problems on the basis of respect for

the principles of sovereignty,, territorial

integrity and nonintervention in the internal

affairs of those States, to do this, however,

there must be a willingness on the part of

everyone to evolve a political framework within

which these problems can be solved. For our part,

we shall continue to support initiatives which

are aimed at finding a political path to their

final settlement.

We view with deep disappointment the sterility of

the many disarmament negotiations which have so

far taken place. The second special session on

disarmament was particularly disappointing. It

reflected the trend away from a serious pursuit

of disarmament. The arms race, far from being

curbed, has been given a new and powerful

impetus. The politics of force are threatening to

destroy the fragile fabric of detente as

preparations for war continue without let.

Weapons are being perfected and new and more

sophisticated ones roll from the assembly lines.

Military budgets are at a record high. Notions of

limited nuclear war and of so-called enhanced

security through nuclear superiority seem to be

working to undermine the basic climate of

searching for peace through disarmament which has

all this time been the cornerstone of all the

negotiations. In sum, the spectre of a holocaust

haunts the world as the international situation

creates the possibility of an international

conflagration.

The politics of power have dangerously made

countries prisoners of their own perceived sense

of insecurity, which has in tum fuelled the race

for more armaments. A new and courageous approach

is needed to get out of this vicious circle. In

that exercise, priority should be given to

nuclear disarmament, for nuclear weapons pose the

most immediate threat to the very survival of

mankind.

The Indian Ocean is close to our continent of

Africa, and the Assembly, more than 10 years ago,

adopted the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a

Zone of Peace to rid that area of military

rivalry. But events are going in the exact

opposite direction. The Indian Ocean is being

further militarized by rival Powers. Contrary to

the desire of the littoral and hinterland States

for peace and security in the area, new foreign

military bases are being established and nuclear

warships and other weaponry are being introduced

into the area. The ever-increasing foreign

military presence and the rivalry of the great

Powers put the peace of the countries in the

Indian Ocean region further in jeopardy. We have

also witnessed the regrettable obstruction by

certain Powers of the holding of the Conference

on the Indian Ocean. That situation calls for

action. We therefore believe that, now more than

ever, the Conference on the Indian Ocean is

necessary.

To an impoverished people, peace and security

means more food, shelter and security from the

scourge of economic underdevelopment. Because the

arms race fritters away so much of the scarce

resources and manpower while the majority of the

people of the world live in abject poverty and

misery may delegation sees those two elements as

inextricably linked: linked, on the one hand, by

the coexistence between lavish expenditure on

armaments and the need for economic development;

and, on the other hand, by the insecurity created

by those armaments and that caused by economic

hopelessness.

In considering this close interrelationship

between disarmament and development, therefore,

the need to ensure that disarmament makes viable

contributions to the social and economic

development of the developing countries, and

particularly to the establishment of the new

international economic order, is an imperative

one.

All States Members of the United Nations do

recognize the gravity of the deepening world

economic crisis. Short-term measures adopted by

certain developed countries in attempts to

stimulate global economic recovery have failed to

bring about the desired results. The crucial need

to adopt a more realistic approach in order to

eliminate the structural disequilibrium which

characterizes the existing inequitable

international economic system is becoming self-

evident. .

Although the impact of the deteriorating world

economic situation is increasingly being felt by

the developed countries, it is the developing

countries which continue to bear the brunt of

this crisis because of the vulnerability of their

poor economies to the unfavorable external

conditions. These conditions, which are

themselves structural in character, are made even

worse by the unilateral adjustment measures

adopted by some developed countries without due

regard to their negative impact f*n the economies

of the developing countries. Thus, for example,

the protectionist measures against the raw

materials and manufactured goods exported by the

developing countries have led to a continued

deterioration in the terms of trade of the

developing countries. Many developing countries

are having severe balance-of-payments problems.

Yet the international monetary and financial

institutions created to deal with such problems

have proved insensitive to the development needs

of the third world.

Interdependence among nations can be of mutual

benefit to all countries only if we also

recognize imperative need to act collectively in

our search for appropriate solutions to the

global economic problems. But the international

community is not inking in its recognition of the

need for collective action on those problems.

Through numerous resolutions and declarations,

the Assembly has repeatedly appealed to all

Members of the Organization to engage in

meaningful negotiations with a view to

implementing the goals and objectives of the new

international economic order. General Assembly

resolution 34/138, on the launching of global

negotiations relating to international economic

co-operation for development, still offers the

best framework for the comprehensive,coherent and

integrated treatment of the interrelated issues

in the field of raw materials, energy, trade,

development, money and finance.

Even at the risk of appearing repetitive, it

should be stressed that what has been lacking is

the necessary political will, particularly on the

part of certain developed countries, to translate

the desires of the international community into

concrete action. And it is disappointing to note

that some developed countries still insist on

certain conditions which continue to delay the

launching of these much-desired global

negotiations. We wish, therefore, to express our

sincere hope that all Member States represented

here will rededicate their efforts at this

current session to facilitating the launching of

the global negotiations without further delay.

Towards this objective my delegation pledges its

full co-operation. We firmly believe that it is

only through dialogue and negotiation that

nations can find commonly acceptable solutions to

their common problems, for the benefit of all the

peoples of the world.

There has been hardly any field in recent history

where so many interests have been involved, where

such interests have been so much at variance with

one another and where reconciliation has been so

complex a pursuit as the law to govern the oceans

and seas of the world. If, therefore, there is

one contemporary example of what the world

community of nations can achieve through

collective endeavors when such efforts are

coupled with political will and a determination

to succeed, it is the just-concluded United

Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

Nobody has been, or could be, fully satisfied

with it. It is, after all, the product of

give-and-take. Indeed, many of us believe that

more justice could have been done. That

notwithstanding, we are confident that the

Convention constitutes an adequate basis for the

promotion of justice in the use of the oceans and

a commendable step in the establishment of the

new international economic order. We join those

who have called for its signature and

ratification and therefore entry into force as

soon as possible. So historic an achievement is

too momentous to waste, and the consequences of a

fault would inevitably be too grave for all of us.

It is evident that none of the problems facing

humanity are completely beyond solution. The

issue is not whether a solution is possible or

not. Rather, it is how much longer these problems

can wait to be solved—whether time is still on

our side. Some problems constitute merely a

threat to the well-being of man; some prolong

suffering: and others are leading us to

self-destruction. Our choices are not very many.

But the decisions are ours, and the power to

exercise our will is also ours. But time is not

indefinitely on our side.