Turkey, 1996

I should like to congratulate

warmly Mr. Razali on his election to the high office of

President of the General Assembly. I am confident that

under his wise and able guidance our deliberations will be

most successful. I should also like to thank His Excellency

Mr. Do Amaral for his most valuable contribution to the

work of the previous session of the General Assembly.

We have just left behind 50 years in the life of this

universal Organization, which was founded with the ideal

of serving and guiding humankind in its common quest to

make the world a better place to live. The commemoration

last year of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations

marked an important milestone in our journey. Yet we find

that our common pursuit of a new and more promising

order of international relations is far from its goal. The new

expectations and hopes that the end of the cold-war era

instilled in us all have, unfortunately, been short-lived.

Indeed, such dark forces as extreme ethnic nationalism,

aggression, hegemonistic tendencies, intolerance, racism,

xenophobia and terrorism have been unleashed to wreak

havoc on a global scale. At the same time, economic, social

and environmental problems, as well as risks in the military

security realm, have assumed global proportions.

No country can claim to be immune from any of the

problems we are facing today, which need common

solutions. In fact, there is an emerging consensus that more

than ever, our common problems require global solutions,

which must be formulated in a spirit of solidarity and

cooperation. This spirit can find concrete expression only

within this Organization, which continues to be the only

global forum for collective cooperation and effective

international action. Therefore, it is our duty to generations

to come to refashion this institution so as to further

strengthen it and equip it with the means to meet the

challenge of the new era that begins with the twenty-first

century.

As we embark on the second half-century of our

Organization, it is high time that the international

community reassess the ways and means by which it can

give a new impetus to the efforts aimed at building a better

and more secure future for all humankind. Substantial work

to this end has already been carried out within the United

Nations system. In particular, the series of major

conferences on basic issues of common concern laid the

groundwork for future action. The chain of these

conferences, which began with the 1990 World Summit

for Children and ended with the Conference on Human

Settlements in Istanbul this past June, has covered

virtually every aspect of human interest. The declarations

and programmes of action they adopted will serve as our

road map in our efforts to achieve their final objectives.

It was a distinct privilege for Turkey to host, in

Istanbul this year, the last major international conference

of the century, Habitat II. That conference played an

instrumental role in creating a greater awareness that

adequate shelter for all and sustainable human settlements

in a rapidly urbanizing and globalizing world are the

common challenges before us. The Istanbul Declaration

and the Habitat Agenda will be our guiding instruments

to meet these challenges. We attach great importance to

the follow-up of that successful conference.

Although criticized at times for its limitations, the

United Nations has nevertheless played a crucial role in

the search for global solutions to the problems

encountered in every field of human endeavour. Yet the

challenges that it will face in the twenty-first century will

probably be far greater and more formidable than ever

before, and the United Nations, therefore, has to promptly

adapt to changing times. For this reason, we support the

ongoing reform process within the United Nations. In this

respect, streamlining, rationalizing, revitalizing and

restructuring the United Nations system and its work are

the widely accepted components needed to bring about a

more effective, responsive, representative, democratic and

accountable world Organization. These modifications,

which are currently under intense consideration at various

levels, will, to a large extent, determine the effectiveness

of the United Nations in the years to come.

Since January 1994, the Open-ended Working Group

on the Question of Equitable Representation on and

Increase in the Membership of the Security Council and

other matters has been formulating a set of guidelines for

the ongoing reform process. The general issue before us

here is the enhancement of the representative character of

the Security Council and the democratization of its

method of work. Strongly in favour of a comprehensive

reform, Turkey last year formally introduced a proposal

for the enlargement of the Security Council. As the

representative character of the Council has, despite minor

adjustments, eroded steadily, we believe that a Council

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Fifty-first session 30 September 1996

with at least 25 members would be more representative and

thus more effective. We hold the view that the Council

should be enlarged by 10 additional non-permanent

members and that the proposed new additional seats should

rotate among a predetermined list of about 30 to 40

countries. These countries should be selected within the

geographical groups according to a set of objective criteria

that can be modified, of course, in time. The list would

consequently be flexible and updated after a certain period

of time to conform to arising new conditions.

As regards to its working methods and procedures, the

Council has already taken some important steps. There is,

however, a widespread belief that these steps fall short of

the legitimate expectations of the great majority of the

Member States. Hence, more work needs to be done in this

sphere, especially on questions on which important

differences still exist.

On the other hand, the Open-ended High-level

Working Group on the Strengthening of the United Nations

System is in the process of formulating recommendations

for reform, with the General Assembly and the Secretariat

as its main areas of interest. Turkey favours the

continuation of the mandate of the Working Group to

enable it to complete its work.

The challenges and risks we face in the military

security field call for measures that are broad in scope and

application. This feature alone underscores the unique

mandate and authority of the United Nations to address

these challenges in their global dimensions. Arms control

and disarmament — focusing distinctly and with a sense of

urgency on measures and regimes destined to curb the

alarming trends in the proliferation of weapons of mass

destruction and in the technologies for their means of

delivery — must remain high on our agenda.

Turkey, as a Member State of the Conference on

Disarmament, is pleased to have joined the overwhelming

majority of nations in the efforts to conclude and adopt the

Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. The Treaty,

which I signed on 24 September, constitutes an

indispensable step towards the eventual goal of a world free

of nuclear weapons.

Accumulation of conventional weapons beyond

legitimate defense needs is inherently destabilizing.

Devising responsible policies to be globally adhered to in

arms transfers, with due regard to the impact of such

transfers on regional and international stability, is not a

lesser priority. We must ensure that the United Nations

Register of Conventional Arms becomes a more effective

tool for monitoring and for transparency in transfers. On

a parallel track, the international community must

vigorously pursue a more concerted effort to eradicate

illicit arms trafficking, not solely as an arms and export-

control measure, but more importantly as a key

component in the international fight against terrorism.

One of the most daunting tasks before the United

Nations is to foster greater international solidarity and

concerted action against terrorism. We should not shy

away from the responsibility to meet this challenge head-

on, because terrorism not only poses a threat to

international peace and stability, but also violates the most

fundamental human right of all: the very right to live.

International cooperation is imperative if we choose to

live free of fear. The United Nations has to play a central

role in this respect. General Assembly resolutions on

human rights and terrorism and a Declaration on

Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism are

significant milestones, paving the way for effective

international cooperation to eradicate this common enemy.

In combating terrorism, we should not lose sight of the

fact that what is equally important is to fight against, and

not to condone, the countries that are behind it.

Transnational organized crime, with its connections to

drug trafficking and terrorist organizations, also poses a

serious threat to the stability of our societies. We will

continue to vigorously support international cooperation

to combat this evil.

In 1995, we also celebrated the United Nations Year

for Tolerance. A culture of tolerance — which is vital for

consolidating democracy and preventing ethnic conflicts,

racist tendencies and xenophobia — has been promoted

through various international and regional activities under

the umbrella of the United Nations Educational, Scientific

and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Current

developments unmistakably demonstrate how crucial it is

to keep this precious concept alive within society and in

bilateral, regional and international relations. We attach

great importance to the follow-up of the Year and will

present a draft resolution under the relevant agenda item

of the General Assembly.

Located on the fault line of several regions fraught

with conflicts and instability, Turkey naturally is seriously

concerned by developments on its periphery that threaten

regional and international peace and security. We have

been playing a crucial role in the efforts to find lasting

and just solutions to the current problems. We are also

actively taking part in various United Nations initiatives,

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Fifty-first session 30 September 1996

including peacekeeping operations and preventive

diplomacy activities.

Turning to one of the questions that is high on our

agenda, our fundamental policy towards Iraq continues to

be our commitment to the territorial integrity, sovereignty

and independence of that country. The full compliance by

Iraq with all of its obligations under international law and

relevant Security Council resolutions remains vital for the

return to normalcy in the region. Our main objective here

is the restoration of peace, stability and security on our

borders, as well as in the region as a whole. We are closely

following the recent developments in northern Iraq, which

may further aggravate the already delicate situation in the

region. To bring durable calm to the area, all segments of

the local population — Kurds, Turkomans in particular,

since they have not been mentioned up to this point to the

extent that they deserve; Arabs; Assyrians; and others —

should fully participate in any local administrative

arrangement, and their rights should be guaranteed.

Northern Iraq should not be permitted to serve as an area

that poses a threat to the security of the neighbouring

countries. Turkey will not tolerate terrorist elements using

northern Iraq to stage terrorist acts against its territory. We

are determined to take all necessary measures to protect our

legitimate security interests and to deny terrorist elements

the possibility of launching terrorist operations against our

population from northern Iraq.

We have fulfilled our responsibilities emanating from

the sanctions regime against Iraq, despite the extreme

economic burden this has entailed for our country. More

than six years after the sanctions’ inception, Turkey is now

at the forefront of the countries that have been directly and

most adversely affected by the sanctions regime. In fact, the

heavy toll we have been required to pay has long exceeded

our ability to sustain the financial strain on our economy,

nor can we pay it any longer. Security Council resolution

986 (1995), when implemented, will alleviate the suffering

of the Iraqi people while also bringing limited relief for

Turkey. However, this relief can in no way be

commensurate with our losses. Consequently, we have

applied to the United Nations Sanctions Committee with a

view to obtaining further appropriate compensation within

the framework of the sanctions regime. In this context, I

wish to reiterate that we attach great importance to the

implementation of Security Council resolution 986 (1995)

as soon as possible.

In the wider context of the Middle East, we are

concerned about what we hope will be only a temporary

impasse in the Middle East peace process. As a devoted

supporter of the peace process, which we regard as the

only viable alternative for the region, we desire to see it

pick up its momentum. This indisputably requires the

parties to live up to their commitments.

As we underlined in our statement before the

Security Council on 27 September, any action that may

adversely affect the peace process should be avoided. The

Israeli decision to open an entrance to a tunnel in the

vicinity of the Mosque and the chain of reactions it

provoked are of that nature. We are deeply saddened by

the high number of casualties. We call on both sides to

exercise utmost restraint and to prevent further violence.

We urge the Israeli Government to review its decision

and to refrain from any action that can be construed as

provocation and from resorting to the use of force. We

welcome Security Council resolution 1073 (1996). We

expect President Arafat and Prime Minister Netanyahu to

meet immediately to find a way out of this crisis.

One of the main obstacles blocking the path to a

comprehensive peace in the Middle East continues to be

terrorism. It must be eliminated if the quest for a lasting

peace and stability is to prevail. We advocate and stand

ready to take part in enhanced cooperation on the

bilateral, regional and international levels. Similarly, we

expect all countries to do their share to this very end. It

is with this understanding that we participated in the

summit of Sharm el-Sheikh, convened to demonstrate the

resolve of the international community to fight against

terrorism on a united front. The eventual success of the

peace process will also hinge on our collective ability to

promote mutually beneficial economic cooperation and

interdependence among the countries of the Middle East.

As a Balkan country, we firmly believe that peace,

justice and legitimacy in the Balkans remain vital for

international peace and stability. We hold the view that

any cooperative scheme in the Balkans should include all

and exclude none. We were profoundly distressed for a

long time that, during the disintegration of the former

Yugoslavia, lack of resolute international intervention at

the very outset of the aggression and war led to

bloodshed and atrocities unparalleled in recent history.

The developments that took place prior to the Dayton

peace Agreement proved once again that turning a blind

eye to aggression only further aggravates crisis situations,

causing untold human suffering and making it all the

more difficult to find solutions.

We are actively participating in the implementation

of both the military and civilian aspects of the Dayton

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peace Agreement, and in the international efforts to

reconstruct and rehabilitate Bosnia and Herzegovina. We

are also conducting, together with the United States, a joint

programme to train and equip the army of the Federation of

Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to provide the Federation

with the means to preserve its territorial integrity and to

ensure military parity.

We welcome the recently held elections in Bosnia and

Herzegovina. We consider the realization of these elections,

despite existing hardships, an important development for

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s future. We hope that this

development will lead to the creation of a positive political

climate conducive to the attainment of lasting peace and

stability and to the establishment of the constitutional,

legislative, administrative and security structures of Bosnia

and Herzegovina. We urge the international community to

remain committed to the cause of Bosnia and Herzegovina;

to remain vigilant as regards any ill intention against the

independence and territorial integrity of that country; to

ensure the return of refugees and displaced persons to their

homes; to seek the arrest and extradition to The Hague of

indicted war criminals; to prevent any negative outside

interference that could potentially impede the process of

peaceful and democratic reintegration; and to make

available the assistance pledged for the reconstruction and

rehabilitation of Bosnia.

Turkey enjoys good-neighbourly relations with the

Balkan countries. However, a number of issues between

Turkey and Greece, mostly related to the Aegean, remain

unresolved. We have always advocated that disputes should

be settled by peaceful means and through dialogue and

constructive negotiations. Consequently, we have made

several appeals to Greece to seek an overall solution to all

the existing issues that stand between us. However, this

does not mean that we would accept any fait accompli. We

still expect Greece to give these appeals the full

consideration and positive response they deserve. We would

like to hope that the new Greek Government, emerging

from the recent elections, will adopt a more forthcoming

stance in this regard. Unfortunately, the recent statement of

the Greek Minister for Foreign Affairs, from this very

rostrum on 27 September, does not bode well. Distortion

and misrepresentation of the established facts, as well as

unfounded and unjustified allegations, will not serve the

creation of the climate of confidence and friendship we

wish to see in our bilateral relations.

In Cyprus, in the period that has elapsed since the last

session of the General Assembly, regrettably no noticeable

developments have taken place towards a comprehensive

settlement. It has not been possible to resume the direct

talks between the two sides under the mission of good

offices of the United Nations Secretary-General, due to

the negative stance of the Greek Cypriots. The Greek

Cypriot side continues not to acknowledge that, in the

past, the United Nations negotiating process and direct

dialogue between the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot

leaders not only served to establish the key parameters of

a final settlement — which are already on the table —

but also played an important role in defusing tensions

between the two communities. It is all too evident that

attempts to derail the United Nations negotiating process

can only further complicate the already difficult road to

a just solution.

The recent regrettable events in and around the

buffer zone and, especially the slaying of a Turkish

Cypriot soldier, have proven once again what the lack of

dialogue as well as inflammatory rhetoric and provocation

can lead to. I hope that the Greek Cypriot side will not

fail this time to draw the necessary conclusions. It is

evident that the need to reduce tensions and build up

confidence on the island makes the resumption of the

direct talks, without any precondition, all the more urgent.

The Turkish Cypriot side has already made public its

readiness to this end. Turkey is committed to supporting

the renewed efforts of the United Nations and expects the

same constructive approach from Greece and the Greek

Cypriot side.

Peace and legitimacy are yet to be restored in

another area of conflagration: the Caucasus. Indeed, this

region continues to be wracked by various conflicts, that

cause immense human anguish and threaten peace,

security and stability. Turkey has close bonds with the

countries of the region and attaches utmost importance to

the preservation of regional peace and stability. The

ongoing occupation of more than one fifth of the territory

of Azerbaijan by Armenian forces continues to be a

source of grave concern for Turkey. More than one

million Azeris are still displaced in their own country and

living in unacceptable conditions.

They should not be permitted to endure another

bitter winter in such conditions. Turkey has been striving

to help bring about a peaceful and just settlement of the

dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia. We will

continue to contribute to the efforts of the Minsk Group

of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in

Europe with a view to establishing peace, security and

stability in the region. We earnestly believe that all

countries in the region have much to gain from the

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restoration of peace and legitimacy in the Caucasus. The

attainment of a just peace will pave the way for a climate

of cooperation to serve the common prosperity of all the

countries of the region.

The conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia, also continues to

be a source of distress. We attach the utmost importance to

the preservation of the territorial integrity, sovereignty and

unity of Georgia and firmly believe that the international

community should deploy all efforts to bring about a just

solution to the conflict on that basis. To this end, we fully

support the United Nations-sponsored peace talks between

the parties and stand ready to contribute to those efforts.

One of the important aspects of the economic

development of the Caucasus and Central Asia is the

exportation of their natural resources, for which Turkey is

in a position to provide easy access to world markets. I can

mention here Turkey’s proposed Baku-Ceyhan oil-pipeline

project and natural-gas pipeline projects, which will serve

the common interests and welfare of the entire region.

Afghanistan is yet another conflict area where the

international community has been unable to help bring

about a just and lasting solution. Our close ties with that

country are deeply rooted in history and we are troubled by

the tragic consequences of the ongoing conflict. We are all

too aware of the possibility of a spillover effect of the

conflict in the region. We believe that this terrible conflict

may be brought to an end and peace restored through direct

negotiations between the fighting groups and the formation

of a broad-based Government with the participation of all

parties. Turkey is anxious to see, as soon as possible, the

signing of a ceasefire agreement and the beginning of peace

negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations. We

will be pleased to host a meeting for such negotiations and

will continue to support fully the efforts of the United

Nations Special Mission to mediate a settlement respecting

the territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity of

Afghanistan.

As an extension of its geography and against the

backdrop of its history, Turkey finds itself at the

multidirectional crossroads of several continents and

different cultures. It acts as an important bridge between

East and West, combining the values of the East with the

ideals and institutions of the West in a unique synthesis.

Strong historical, cultural and fraternal ties exist between

Turkey and the countries of the Balkans, the Caucasus,

Central Asia and the Middle East. We spare no effort in

contributing to the resolution of conflicts and preventing

new ones from erupting, strengthening regional and

international cooperation and promoting tolerance and

dialogue. This is the very core and essence of the basic

principles that define our foreign policy. We shall

continue to place our assets at the disposal and service of

regional and global peace, stability and prosperity.

In this context, I wish to underline the eminent role

played by Turkey in such regional cooperation schemes

as the Black Sea Economic Cooperation and the

Economic Cooperation Organization, as well as its active

participation in cooperation in the Mediterranean basin.

In conclusion, I wish to reiterate our sincere desire

to see the fifty-first session of the General Assembly

become an important milestone on the road to the third

millennium. We have to gather our strength, pool our

resources and ignite our imagination to build, collectively,

a better world. National interests and objectives will

surely remain at the core of our policies. However, on the

eve of a new millennium, the time has certainly come to

take a broader view and to replace rivalry with

cooperation, intolerance with tolerance and confrontation

with dialogue and conciliation. We should at all costs

avoid faits accomplis and double standards in

international relations. A revitalized and reinvigorated

United Nations entering its second half-century can make

a significant contribution to assisting us all to attain our

highest goals and aspirations. Let us not forget, however,

that the task of shaping a better future is entirely in our

hands, for we are the United Nations.