Turkey, 1995

It gives me great pleasure to

congratulate Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral on his election

to the high office of President of the General Assembly.

Under his able and wise guidance, this historic session

should become a milestone in the enhancement of the

stature of this universal forum.

I should like also to thank his predecessor, His

Excellency Amara Essy, for his valuable contribution to the

work of the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly.

Half a century ago, the world was witnessing, as we

are today, the end of one era and the beginning of a new

one. In days fraught with foreboding but also filled with

hope, another generation established this Organization.

There was ambition in their design and an idealism about

how a better world could be achieved. After a war that had

brought untold sorrow to humankind, 51 nations joined

together for the common purpose of promoting peace,

development, equality, justice and human rights. Their aim

was to create a collective security system that would save

future generations from the scourge of war, but for more

than four decades the notion of collective security remained

frozen. It was only after the end of the cold war that new

hopes emerged for its revival.

We live in extraordinary times, times full of stark

contrasts. The end of bipolarity freed the international

community from political and ideological constraints.

Today, a sense of global responsibility is growing. It is

being widely recognized that only democracy, the rule of

law and a market economy can guide us towards a

promising future. Awareness of an era of a global society

is spreading — but so are xenophobic and ethnic

nationalism, racism and intolerance. Wars of aggression

have erupted in different parts of the globe. We have

witnessed the cruellest of crimes committed against

humanity since the end of the Second World War. Global

problems such as environmental degradation, poverty,

starvation, terrorism, organized crime, illicit drugs and

trafficking in arms require the concerted action of all

nations. Today, we are well aware that the international

community must address a human community that is

profoundly transnational. There is a pressing need for a

stronger and more effective role for the United Nations.

At its fiftieth anniversary, the United Nations can be

proud of its work in fighting underdevelopment, social

scourges and illiteracy, illicit drugs and diseases;

protecting the environment; eliminating all traces of

colonialism and apartheid; combating racism; accelerating

the disarmament process; supplying emergency relief to

countries and peoples struck by natural disasters and

wars; and promoting democracy and universal respect for

human rights.

Successful as these activities have been, the main

responsibility of the United Nations is obviously the

maintenance of international peace and security — and it

is in this area that set-backs have been more harmful to

the United Nations. Regrettably, ongoing conflicts and

tragedies have overshadowed the United Nations success

story and have damaged its image and credibility. We

have to face this reality and take stock of what we have

achieved and where we have failed.

This is the most opportune time to engage in a

self-criticism, to revisit the Charter of the United Nations,

to go back to its basic notions. This is also the most

opportune time to look ahead with realism and vision, to

adapt the United Nations to the new world environment

and to make it the real centre of collective security and

global solidarity.

The United Nations experience shows that we

succeeded when we reached a global consensus and we

failed when we pursued our narrow individual interests.

History will judge us by what we do today. We, the

peoples of the United Nations, must address the

challenges of our times with the vision of the founders of

the United Nations. We must seize this historic

32

opportunity to forge workable and durable mechanisms for

effectively responding to the problems that confront us.

Together, we have to make our Organization more

successful in order to make the world a better place for all

humankind to live in, so that children may not regret

having been born into this world.

When the problems we face transcend national

boundaries, international cooperation is the only appropriate

and effective response. Facilitating this cooperation is the

raison d’être of this Organization.

Although not exactly embodied in the Charter, the

creation of the concept of peace-keeping and the subsequent

activities aimed at its application have added to the efforts

towards peace. However, peacemaking and peace

enforcement, the really essential tenets of the original

vision, have yet to be fulfilled. Let us not forget that the

founders of the United Nations intended an organization

that would not hesitate to implement international law.

To prepare our Organization for the next century,

priority attention should be focused on the Security

Council, on the tools and mechanisms of collective security

and on the concepts of human security and sustainable

development. The ongoing efforts for the restructuring of

the United Nations in general should be considered and

negotiated within this framework and in a far-reaching

manner.

The central issue before us is the enhancement of the

representative character of the Security Council and the

democratization of its methods of work. The wide-ranging

demands to render the Council more representative,

responsive, transparent and accountable should be met. We

are strongly in favour of a genuine and comprehensive

reform. After two years of deliberations by the Open-ended

Working Group, many useful ideas and proposals are now

before us that necessitate further reflection.

I should like to draw the attention of members to the

revised version of our proposal for the enlargement of the

Security Council. We believe that a Council with at least 25

members would be more representative and thus be more

effective. We also hold the view that the Council should be

enlarged by the addition of 10 non-permanent members.

Thus the existing ratio of permanent and non-permanent

members could be reorganized so that the permanent

members were one fifth of the Council instead of one third.

These additional seats should rotate among a predetermined

list of about 30 to 40 countries. Those countries could be

selected within the geographical groups, according to a set

of objective criteria, which could change over time.

Therefore, the list would be flexible and would be

updated after a certain period of time, to adapt to

changes. Consequently, a new concept of constituencies

in the distribution of seats in the Council would be

introduced.

In this respect, we believe that the extension of the

concept of separate constituencies for the distribution of

elective seats is also worth considering. Setting up new

constituencies for election could be one of the most

appropriate ways to rectify the shortcomings and

injustices of the present election system. This idea of

electoral reform would enable us to find ways and means

within the geographical groups to ensure a fair, equitable

and orderly working system of rotation for all the

non-permanent seats. I hope that our proposal, along with

others along similar lines, will receive careful

consideration.

In its Chapter VII, the Charter provides the Security

Council with important mechanisms for the maintenance

of international peace and security. Cognizant of the two

pertinent reports of the Secretary-General, namely, “An

Agenda for Peace” and “The Supplement to the Agenda

for Peace”, I should like to express the views of my

Government on these crucial issues.

First and foremost, we need to put the concept of

preventive diplomacy on the top of our agenda. Indeed,

the idea of preventive diplomacy is embodied in the letter

and spirit of the Charter. It is the most cost-effective way

of conflict prevention. We also believe that the

application of certain measures of preventive diplomacy

such as fact-finding missions, preventive deployment and

early-warning capabilities should be more timely.

In recent years, United Nations peace-keeping

activities have vastly expanded. As an active participant

in these activities, Turkey stands ready to further its

assistance to the United Nations. We have also decided to

participate in the United Nations stand-by forces.

Another idea of the founders which is extremely

relevant today is reflected in Chapter VIII of the Charter.

The challenges we are facing today exceed the means and

resources of the United Nations. In this respect, the

regional organizations have much to contribute to the

maintenance of peace and security. The need for a new

collective security architecture of mutually reinforcing

institutions has become more compelling. The cooperation

between the United Nations and the regional organizations

33

should be viewed as complementary in nature. On the other

hand, given the unique characteristics of each situation and

the varied mandates, as well as structures of the regional

organizations, we believe that an attempt to establish a

universal model for their relationship with the United

Nations may be counter-productive.

United Nations-imposed sanctions constitute an

effective measure for determined action against the

violators of international law. Nevertheless, there are

serious shortcomings which need to be addressed. In this

context, we share the Secretary-General’s views that

“Sanctions are a measure taken collectively by the

United Nations to maintain or restore international

peace and security. The costs involved ... should be

borne ... by all Member States and not exclusively by

the few who have the misfortune to be neighbours or

major economic partners of the target country”

(A/50/60, para. 73).

In addition to this observation, the lack of efficient

consultation mechanisms, as well as secrecy in the

decision-making process of the Security Council for the

imposition and review of sanctions, are also causing

concern to the general membership. We are convinced that

transparency in the activities of the Council with respect to

sanctions will ensure wider support for their

implementation.

The aggression and genocide in Bosnia and

Herzegovina continue to be a historical test-case for the

credibility of the United Nations and for the role it could

play in shaping the future of the international system. The

prestige and moral authority of the United Nations are

being challenged. For a long time, the open defiance of

international law and the blatant violations of Security

Council resolutions remained unchecked. We even

witnessed, with deep indignation and sorrow, the fall of

United Nations-designated safe areas last July. The

aggressor intensified its attacks on other safe areas. The

long-awaited appropriate response to the aggressor came

only after another marketplace massacre in Sarajevo. The

United Nations-North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)

joint operation, belated as it may be, has been a very

important step in the right direction. The involvement of the

rapid reaction force in the operation has also been totally in

conformity with the mandate as set out in various Security

Council resolutions.

Turkey, also a Balkan country, is strongly in favour of

a negotiated settlement. However, peace should not have

priority over justice. We must never forget that no peace,

throughout history, has ever been a lasting one when it

was based on rewarding injustice. With these thoughts in

mind, and setting out from the Agreed Basic Principles of

Geneva and New York, we should like to hope that a just

and viable peace can be built on the basis of the

multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-religious character of

Bosnia and Herzegovina. Hence, we firmly believe that

the Bosniac-Croat Federation should set a model for the

future of the Union of two entities. We attach the utmost

importance to the reference made in the agreed principles

to the preservation of the sovereignty, unity and territorial

integrity of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina

within its existing international borders. It is in line with

this reasoning that we welcome the steps taken on the

road towards peace. We should not lose sight of the fact

that determined action and diplomacy backed by force

have increased the chances of a real peace process.

The conclusion of a negotiated settlement must be

followed by the establishment of a peace implementation

force. Turkey is ready to undertake responsibilities within

this force. The reconstruction and rehabilitation of Bosnia

and Herzegovina will be the key for the viability of the

settlement. Turkey is also determined to take an active

part in this process.

At this critical juncture, we firmly believe that the

international community should remain vigilant until the

final settlement is sealed.

Turkey has always held the view that the stability of

Macedonia is an indispensable requisite for peace and

stability in the Balkans. Moreover, we have consistently

maintained that the economic sanctions imposed on that

country, coupled with the policy intended to isolate it

from the international community, were completely unjust

and unwarranted.

Turkey therefore welcomes the interim accord

concluded between Macedonia and Greece on 13

September 1995. We are encouraged by this development,

which promises to hold the key to the normalization of

relations between these two neighbouring countries.

It is not inconceivable that neighbouring countries

may have bilateral problems. The same also holds true for

Turkey and Greece. And we believe that it is only natural

that these problems should be overcome through a

meaningful, comprehensive and result-oriented dialogue

and mutual goodwill. Such a dialogue will not only serve

the best interests of both nations, but will also contribute

34

to a climate of peace, stability and prosperity in our region.

We remain ready to address the whole range of issues that

stand between us in a constructive manner.

As in the Balkans, legality and legitimacy have yet to

be restored throughout the Caucasus region. Despite

existing differences and ongoing conflicts, we hope that the

peoples of this region will display the courage to look

ahead. The countries of the region should understand that

a just and viable peace has much to offer. Only then will

shared prosperity be within reach and only then will

democracy and the rule of law take root. That is our vision

for this region. But this vision can become a reality only

when those who continue to violate international law heed

the calls of the Security Council and the Organization for

Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), as contained

in relevant resolutions and decisions. Injustice and

aggression cannot and should not be rewarded.

Regrettably, the main obstacle to peace and stability in

the region continues to be the occupation of one fifth of

Azerbaijani territory by Armenian forces. As a result, more

than 1 million Azeris have been displaced. We reiterate our

call for the immediate, unconditional and complete

withdrawal of the occupying forces. We are determined to

contribute to the efforts within the OSCE Minsk Group for

a peaceful settlement and for the reversal of the

consequences of aggression. In this regard, we look forward

to the creation of an OSCE multinational peace-keeping

force based on the decisions of the Budapest Summit, a

force to which we remain ready to contribute.

Turkey also continues to follow developments in

Georgia very closely. We hope to see the establishment of

peaceful conditions in this friendly and neighbourly country

without further delay. We are committed to the peace

process in that country. With this in mind, we are actively

participating in the work of the United Nations Observer

Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG).

The dramatic situation in Afghanistan, a country with

which we have strong historical bonds, deeply worries us.

The ongoing fratricidal conflict has added to the sufferings

of millions of innocent civilians. We are equally concerned

with the ominous possibility that this conflict may acquire

a regional dimension. We regret that the earlier efforts of

Ambassador Mestiri have been rendered ineffective despite

the commitments of all the warring parties. We hope that

the recently renewed efforts of Ambassador Mestiri, along

with those of the Organization of the Islamic Conference

(OIC), will pave the way for a viable settlement based on

the unity and territorial integrity of Afghanistan.

Turkey is located at the crossroads of continents and

cultures. The post-cold-war geopolitics of Eurasia have

given us a pivotal role in this region. Most of the newly

independent States of the Balkans, the Caucasus and

Central Asia have historical, cultural, fraternal and

linguistic ties with Turkey. With a keen sense of history

and moral obligation, we have been striving to exert our

share of the efforts needed for the harmonization of

civilizations. To this end, as well as to contribute to

efforts aimed at preventing the spread of ethnic conflicts

and hegemonic tendencies, we have been active in

endeavours to develop cooperative regional initiatives.

The Black Sea Economic Cooperation and the

enlargement of the Economic Cooperation Organization

are cases in point. In addition, since the beginning of

1992 we have implemented an economic assistance

package in over 50 countries on three continents.

As regards the Cyprus issue, we regret that despite

the existence of sufficient material for a just and viable

solution, as well as for the implementation of the package

of confidence-building measures proposed by the United

Nations, the negotiating process still appears to be

blocked. President Denktas took initiatives to facilitate

this process, reaffirmed his commitment to a bicommunal,

bizonal federal solution and expressed his readiness to

implement the package of confidence-building measures

in the manner set out by the Secretary-General. He also

proposed other good-will measures and invited the Greek

Cypriot leader to the negotiating table. Regrettably, the

Greek Cypriot side did not respond to this constructive

approach.

The Greek Cypriot side continues to reject the

implementation of the confidence-building measures and

to set preconditions for the resumption of the talks. It is

increasingly distancing itself from the negotiating process

by shifting the focus to European Union membership with

a view to altering the established parameters of a United

Nations-sponsored overall settlement.

Despite these discouraging developments, we still

believe that both sides in the island could find ways and

means to reconcile their differences on the basis of the

established parameters. To this end, we reiterate our

support for the good offices mission of the

Secretary-General and continue to encourage a freely

negotiated settlement.

The momentum gained in the Middle East peace

process makes us optimistic that confrontation can be

replaced by cooperation. The Israeli-Palestinian and the

35

ensuing Israeli-Jordanian agreements are historic turning

points for the installation of a new way of thinking in the

region. The road, however, is still full of stumbling blocks.

As we all know, there have been violent attempts by

extremists on all sides to undermine the peace process.

Despite these attempts, it is vitally important that the parties

keep to their commitments and continue on their journey of

hope.

Tomorrow, another historic agreement between Israel

and Palestine will be signed in Washington. I hope to

attend the signing ceremony. I wish to commend the

architects of this interim agreement for their great courage

and determination. We fully support this remarkable

achievement.

For over five years now, the international community

has been expecting Iraq to comply fully with the

requirements of all the relevant Security Council

resolutions. Meanwhile, as reported by the Chairman of the

United Nations Special Commission, the recent revelations

of the Iraqi authorities on their operational capability to

conduct biological warfare have created a credibility

problem for Iraq within the Security Council. We hope that

Iraq will take definite measures to restore international

confidence in its future cooperation with the Commission

within the framework of Security Council resolution 687

(1991). Furthermore, the implementation of Security

Council resolution 986 (1995) would, in our view, be a

source of relief, albeit limited, for the Iraqi people. Here, I

would like to reiterate unreservedly the firm position which

we have expressed from this rostrum on many occasions:

We attach the utmost importance to the territorial integrity

and unity of Iraq. This is vital for peace and stability in the

Middle East.

I should also like to stress that, in no circumstances,

will Turkey allow terrorist activities emanating from

northern Iraq.

Terrorism poses one of the greatest threats to

humanity in our age. It is also a threat to international

peace and security. Terrorism violates fundamental human

rights, particularly the right to life. It aims to destroy the

foundations of civil society. We must join our forces to

fight back vigorously. This requires effective international

cooperation. Accordingly, the United Nations has a central

role to play in our common struggle against terrorism. The

General Assembly resolutions on human rights and

terrorism — resolutions 48/122 and 49/185 — and on the

Declaration on Measures to Eliminate International

Terrorism — resolution 49/60 — are significant milestones

which lay the groundwork for our cooperation. We must

also introduce a plan of action for their successful

implementation.

Similarly, the United Nations should continue to play

its role in preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass

destruction which pose another major threat to humanity.

In this vein, preserving the integrity of, and full

compliance with, existing arms-control and disarmament

instruments at regional and global levels are of primary

importance.

This year we are celebrating the United Nations

Year for Tolerance. The promotion of a culture of

tolerance is vital for consolidating democracy and for

preventing ethnic conflicts. There is also a growing

awareness that development, peace and democracy are

interlinked. People-centred development aimed at ensuring

universal security based on equality and sustainability is

the imperative of our times.

In this connection I wish to emphasize the emerging

global consensus in support of a common plan of action

towards a better world resulting from the major

international conferences, which began in Rio de Janeiro

in 1992, continued in Vienna, Cairo, Copenhagen, New

York and Beijing. We know that we still have a long road

to travel in reconciling opinions and identifying common

solutions. The implementation of the conclusions of these

conferences is and should be our priority.

The last of these major United Nations conferences,

the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements

(Habitat II), will be held in June 1996 in Istanbul. The

fact that more than one billion people are inadequately

housed makes the subject of the Conference all the more

significant. The City Summit in Istanbul will be a major

stage in the assessment of the dimensions of this problem

and in searching for viable solutions. Participation at the

highest level would contribute greatly to the success of

this important Conference.

In conclusion, let me repeat my opening call to the

international community: we must build on our past to

fashion a new vision, a new commitment, a new plan of

action for a better world. Our plan of action should

embody our best values, our noblest dreams, our most

ambitious aspirations. To do less is to surrender to

despair. The people of the world should know that

genocide is not inevitable. Aggression is not inescapable.

Poverty is not unavoidable. But the responsibility falls on

all of us. We cannot escape the challenge. We must

36

embrace it and not falter in creating a United Nations that

is more responsive to our hopes and expectations, a United

Nations that will remain true to the vision of its founders.