Thailand, 1999

On behalf of the

Government and people of Thailand, I extend my warm

congratulations to you, Sir, upon your unanimous election

to the presidency of the fifty-fourth session of the General

Assembly. I am confident that with your leadership and

experience this session will complete its work successfully

and set the stage for the Millennium Assembly and the

millennium summit next year.

I should also like to take this opportunity to pay

tribute to Mr. Didier Opertti, President of the Assembly at

its fifty-third session. My delegation truly appreciates his

leadership and his tireless dedication to the heavy

responsibilities entrusted to him during the past year.

May I on behalf of the Government and people of

Thailand congratulate the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic

of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga on their admission as

new Members of the United Nations, which further

reinforces the universal character of the Organization.

As we gather on the threshold of the new millennium,

we find the United Nations and the international community

are still preoccupied with maintaining international peace

and security. Yet this is only one of the many purposes of

our Organization; to achieving international cooperation in

solving international problems of an economic, social,

cultural or humanitarian character and in promoting and

encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental

freedoms for all is no less an important goal in our Charter.

Invariably, the traditional security paradigm

predominates in the discussions and ensuing actions

regarding international peace and security. A decade after

the end of the cold war, global and regional organizations

tend to focus their efforts primarily on traditional security

concepts and related tools for solving security problems. In

South-East Asia, the Association of South-East Asian

Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum (ARF), which deals

with some aspects of security issues in this traditional

sense.

But the traditional concepts of security are woefully

inadequate to meet the new challenges faced by mankind.

The very narrow scope of its definition serves as an

intellectual strait-jacket which limits our ability to

conceptualize and respond to new threats of our time.

This fifty-fourth session of the General Assembly is

being conducted under the menacing shadows of the

conflicts in Kosovo and East Timor. All of us are

preoccupied with the implications and consequences of

the ways in which we choose to handle these conflicts.

More and more, we in the international community

are being faced with conflicts within States, not between

or among States, as in the past. Rather than State rights,

State interests, State sovereignty, we now have to grapple

with the defence of the common good, the protection of

rights beyond borders and intervention to promote and

safeguard humanitarian ideals and objectives.

Our Organization is now being challenged to provide

clear guidelines for the collective pursuit of these new

lofty goals and this complex agenda. Unless and until we,

as the foremost Assembly of mankind, come up with

criteria, objective and consensual, the international

community will not be able to address the many lurking

internal conflicts effectively. The period between now and

the millennium summit next September is an opportune

time for our collective deliberation on this issue. And I

commend the Secretary-General for his leadership role in

launching the process of consultation at the beginning of

the session. My delegation pledges its full cooperation

with him and with all representatives in the Assembly for

the successful outcome of this historic search.

But let us not forget that before we can protect and

promote those common interests, save rights beyond

borders and think about intervention on the ground of

humanitarian concerns, we have to make sure that we are

in agreement about what it is that we must, that we want

to, protect and promote.

I propose that we should begin to change our

traditional, exclusive preoccupation with the security and

sovereignty of States to serious consideration on the

emerging concept of human security. It is a concept

which attempts to take us beyond the traditional meaning

of security, by addressing new issues. The scope of what

falls within the realm of human security is still not yet

well defined, except to place people at the centre of our

definition of security. Security is now people-related more

than State-related.

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One interpretation of human security in vogue includes

upholding human dignity, protecting and promoting human

rights and use of humanitarian law, shielding women,

children and non-combatants from the effects of armed

conflicts, and combating terrorism. We have also seen

concerted action to meet these objectives through joint

efforts to eradicate anti-personnel landmines, prevent the

proliferation of small arms and struggle against organized

crime. This somewhat limited interpretation of human

security emphasizes physical protection of the human

person, and strives to provide human beings with freedom

from fear. This is a step in the right direction.

But it is not sufficient. We think human security

should be more comprehensive. Can we afford to continue

to attach less importance to addressing the social and

economic dimensions of human security? Can we honestly

enjoy genuine security amidst l.3 billion people who live on

less than $1 a day, or another 840 million who remain

malnourished? Can we fully enjoy freedom from fear

without having freedom from want, which emanates from

living in an environment free from infectious disease,

illiteracy, poverty, natural disaster and social unrest? If we

are to give importance to protecting children from harmful

effects during times of war, should we not give equal

importance to providing children with basic benefits during

times of peace? We cannot turn a blind eye to the need to

secure for people their freedom from want. We believe that

human beings will begin to enjoy genuine security only if

they have a chance to make a living, to be able to stand on

their own two feet, to have equal opportunities to develop

their livelihoods and to make their own decisions about

their own futures. This will not happen so long as people

are threatened by socio-economic ills such as poverty,

disease, environmental degradation and social vices,

including drugs.

The need to pursue human security in such a broader

and more comprehensive definition is made even more

urgent by the multifaceted challenges that we face from

unbridled globalization. Granted, globalization has created

many important opportunities and benefits, such as the

creation of more competitive world markets, which has led

to greater efficiencies in production and faster economic

growth. But I ask the question: has globalization helped

eradicate poverty in the marginalized subregions of the

world, or eliminated social and economic inequities even in

the developed world? We cannot deny that uncontrolled

market forces and unfettered short-term capital flows, to

take but a few examples of globalization, have had

devastating consequences on our economies, social

cohesion, political stability and cultural identity — in

many cases for the worse rather than for the better.

The events of the recent financial crisis in Asia have

brought us face-to-face with the worst consequences of

globalization. Millions of adults were unemployed and a

large number of children were forced to leave school.

But, if anything, the crisis has made us even more

determined to meet this challenge, which, though

primarily financial in nature, has had immense social

consequences. We have learned that the multifaceted

nature of the challenge of globalization requires a

multifaceted response.

In our case, besides the traditional economic reforms

and adjustments undertaken, we also sought to focus our

efforts on addressing the short-term and long-term threats

to the viability and welfare both of individuals and of our

society. We therefore give strong priority to promoting

the establishment of adequate social safety nets and the

development of human resources. This strategy puts

people at the centre of our national efforts to bring about

our economic revival. I can proudly say that our efforts

have finally borne fruit. We have emerged from the crisis

more competitive, more resilient and better prepared,

economically and socially.

At the global level, I firmly believe that to meet the

challenges of globalization and take the most advantages

from its benefits, we must join hands to promote

globalization with a human face. This is not a new idea.

Secretary-General Kofi Annan has spoken of it. The

United Nations, particularly the United Nations

Development Programme, has long been a proponent of

this concept. Unfortunately, when it was introduced some

years ago, it was still considered an idea far beyond its

time. If we still find such a concept revolutionary, we are

indeed behind the times.

We need to ensure that globalization leads us to,

among other things, greater equity among peoples and

nations; the easing of social tensions and the

strengthening of communities; the inclusion of a greater

number of economies as stakeholders and co-partners in

the building of the global economy; declining poverty and

the reduction of the income gap between the very rich

and the very poor; enhanced protection and preservation

of our environment; greater protection and promotion of

human rights and fundamental freedoms; and, perhaps

most importantly and very simply, a better life for all

peoples.

The holding of the tenth session of the United Nations

Conference on Trade and Development — UNCTAD X —

in Thailand in February 2000 will be an important, defining

moment in our quest to promote globalization with a human

face. We will consider all these challenges together. We

hope to be able to tame the tsunami of globalization and

turn it into a benevolent force of reconstruction and

equitable distribution of wealth and opportunities, and not

the menacing force of destruction and destabilization it has

thus far been.

I am pleased to report that our preparations for

UNCTAD X are going well. I wish to take this opportunity

to convey the Thai Government's assurance to all of you in

the Assembly that Bangkok will be fully prepared for

UNCTAD X in February 2000. Thailand, as the host

country, strongly encourages all Member States to consider

sending to Bangkok delegations at the highest level

possible.

Joining hands to promote globalization with a human

face is a distinct contribution to promoting human security.

The United Nations is already playing a leadership role in

realizing this goal at the global level. But the United

Nations cannot do it alone. It needs to forge a partnership

with the non-governmental sector, especially the private

sector and civil society, and with other international

organizations. In a sense, our endeavour to define and,

indeed, to promote human security has philosophical and

practical implications — both positive and negative — for

us as sovereign States and for the United Nations as the

leading global multilateral Organization. We are embarking

on an effort to define what the key role of the United

Nations will be in the next millennium. I urge all of us to

contribute to this important mission together.