Chad, 1982

This session of the General Assembly of the United Nations is being

held at a time of acute international tensions and a world economic

crisis of singular gravity. The entire international community is

facing numerous problems which require from us as government

officials a critical analysis conducive to appropriate solutions

being sought in the higher interest of international peace and

security as well as for the prosperity of our peoples and nations. In

order to achieve those noble objectives, it is more than ever

essential that the Members of the Organization scrupulously honor the

obligations that they have assumed under the Charter. The whole world

unanimously deplores the inability of the United Nations to resolve

the major problems of our day, but what we do not denounce enough is

the fact that such weakness on the part of the United Nations is the

immediate consequence of the lack of political will of each of its

Members to behave in accordance with the principles and purposes of

the Charter. This is why our delegation unreservedly supports the

highly intelligent recommendations made by the Secretary-General in

his report on the work of the Organization as regards strengthening

its role and especially the action of the Security Council for

maintaining international peace and security.

$49

By electing Mr. Hollai President of its thirty- seventh session, the

General Assembly affirmed its trust in his outstanding qualities as a

diplomat and experienced statesman. In so doing it crowned his long

career, which has been basically directed towards international

relations. My delegation, confident in his ability to conduct the

work of the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly

successfully, extends its warm congratulations to him and assures him

of its full co-operation in his difficult but exalting

responsibilities. I should like also to express the esteem and

appreciation of my delegation to Mr. Kittani, his predecessor, who

accomplished his noble work with courage and dignity in spite of the

complexity of the tragic events that have shaken the world throughout

the past year. Lastly, it is an agreeable duty for me to pay a

well-deserved tribute to the Secretary-General for his tireless and

most commendable efforts during the first year of his term of office

in attempting to find peaceful solutions to the disputes that divide

certain Member States. He may be assured of the readiness of the

Government of Chad to help him in his future work for world peace and

development.

Before briefly expressing my delegation's position on certain

important items of the agenda of the present session, I should like,

as the representative of a country which has been the subject of

conversation internationally in recent years because of the long and

tragic situation of war that it has experienced, to outline the

situation now prevailing in Chad.

While it is true that peace in Chad was restored only at the cost of

great sacrifices, it is equally true that the tragedy endured for

almost 20 years by our people was not without cause. War is never a

matter of fate. In order better to grasp the true dimensions of the

peace and security restored by the people of Chad last 7 June, it

would be useful for me to outline briefly the internal and external

causes of the tragedy experienced by my country.

The first major people's revolt in Chad after independence dates back

to 1965. It was a genuinely national revolt, directed against an

oppressive system imposed from outside. Through that war for national

liberation, directed by the National Liberation Front, which

courageously faced the neo-colonial troops and other expeditionary

bodies, there were many people of Chad who saw their loved ones fall,

their villages bumed and their homes plundered. Many were also forced

into exile. The regime of the day, which had become anachronistic and

dictatorial, supported as it was by troops from the former

metropolitan country, in 1975 fell victim to its own mistake of

attempting to impose itself on our people against their will. Thus

its own army seized power from it. Unfortunately, the hopes raised

were soon disappointed.

Instead of offering the people of Chad dialogue and reconciliation,

the military junta in tarn committed the same mistakes and

bloodthirsty acts as the former regime. Defying the six-month

cease-fire that had been unilaterally declared by the National

Liberation Front, whose Armed Forces of the North are the patriotic

branch, the junta maintained a policy of repression and neo-colonial

war. It was only in 1978 that the military regime, undermined by its

notorious inability to meet internal and external challenges,

accepted, for tactical reasons, the historic compromise of the

Khartoum agreement. That was the first time since the popular

uprisings of 1965 that an agreement frankly set forth the different

problems of Chad and proposed comprehensive and lasting solutions.

A/37/PV.30

The implementation of the basic charter that emerged from the

Khartoum agreement would have spared our people a great deal of

suffering. Unfortunately, however, that charter was interpreted in

different ways, which quickly led to a governmental crisis. Despite

the twofold proposal of the Armed Forces of the North, to consult

lawyers of internationally recognized competence if problems of a

legal nature arose, or to amend the charter if the problem was of a

political nature; despite our people's desire for peace as expressed

in many demonstrations-yes, despite all that, part of the

neo-colonial army, mobilized along personal, tribal, religious and

regional lines, took the dangerous step, on 12 February of opening

fire on students whose only fault was that to call for the peaceful

and immediate implementation of the basic charter. The results of

that war are known to all of us: massacre of the civilian population

and a breakdown of trust among the regional components of our people;

above all, that war opened the door for additional interference by

foreign forces.

Supported by our people, and without external support, the Armed

Forces of the North emerged victorious from that trial. The balance

of power was in our favor. None the less, Comrade Hissein Habre

stated that there were neither victors nor vanquished and that it

would be possible for the people of Chad to reach an understanding

among themselves-but without foreign interference. We therefore

proposed to the other components the Kano-1 meeting in order to widen

the power base by including all people of Chad who would participate

in genuine reconciliation.

In spite of the Kano agreements, which called on all neighboring

States not to interfere in the internal affairs of Chad, certain

Powers, sensing that they were losing ground on the Chad political

chessboard, hastily formed armed factions along ethnic lines and that

would serve their own interests. Unfortunately, at the Kano-11

meeting we failed in our patriotic attempt to remove some of our

brothers from external domination; thus we were composed of H

political-military factions when we met in Lagos in August 1979.

In spite of our conviction about the anti-national character of

certain political-military factions, we nevertheless agreed to sign

the Lagos agreement. That agreement reiterated the call to all

neighboring States not to interfere in Chad's internal affairs. An

important point in that agreement was the establishment of a

consensus Government, whose term of office was set as 18 months, with

the task of preparing free elections and completing the work of

national reconciliation. The President of that Government would

therefore have no personal powers.

In flagrant violation of the provisions of the Lagos agreement, a

neighboring country and other foreign Powers openly intervened in our

affairs. Despite our determination to avoid war and in spite of the

mediation offered by eminent national and foreign personalities,

certain factions, feeling strong because of their external support,

unleashed the war of 21 March. By attacking elements of the Armed

Forces of the North, the nucleus of the integrated national army

envisaged in the Lagos agreement, that coalition brought about the

start of another war-one which was certainly the deadliest and the

longest that our people has had to endure. After nine months of

national resistance, in the face of what became a plot to recolonize

Chad, which met with a staunch resistance with the exclusive support

of our people, on 15 December 1980 we undertook tactical withdrawal

in order to spare our people from genocide and to deal in an

appropriate manner with the occupier's overwhelming superiority in

weaponry.

As the occupying forces established themselves on our territory, the

national and international public realized their real intentions and

those of the coalition. At the same time, the patriotic struggle

continued with a resolve matched only by our love for our homeland

and our dedication to the universal values of freedom and dignity. It

was in that context that the enemy was to begin the withdrawal of its

troops. We then unilaterally and immediately decreed a cease-fire,

with no prior conditions. Our desire for peace led us to give

unreserved support to the resolutions of the Organization of African

Unity of 11 February 1982. It was that same desire for dialogue and

peace which governed the rate at which we advanced on the capital.

For more than four months we intentionally delayed taking the

capital, in the sole hope of softening the belligerent attitude of

our brothers. It was that same desire for peace and dialogue among

the Chad people that underlay the successive visits of Comrade

Hissein Habre to Gabon and Zaire, after the N'Djamena meeting.

Today once again, before the Assembly, we affirm our attachment to

the spirit of dialogue, without bitterness or ulterior motives. We

solemnly invite all our brothers, including the former officials, to

reflect on the wise words of Comrade Hissein Habre:

"Let us bury the recriminations of unwarranted, unjustifiable and

sterile hatred; let us exercise restraint and still our emotions; let

us arm ourselves with common sense and reason; let us work for the

benefit of the homeland and the people, and let us respond to its

hopes of peace and unity, rather than attempt to bind the people to

our whims."

And we invite them to return to Chad, as many have already done, for

the sake of peace and reconstruction.

Although this outline has been lengthy, we believe it was necessary

in order to provide an accurate picture of the dynamics of war in

whose grip Chad so recently found itself.

For the first time since 1978, a single administration effectively

controls the 14 sub-divisions of our country. This is also the first

time since 1965 that security has prevailed throughout our national

territory. We are gratified to affirm before the Assembly that peace

and security have been achieved following a long patriotic struggle

and that they remain our constant objective.

The people of Chad remain touched by the sympathy expressed towards

our cause by fraternal African peoples and all people of good will.

Hence, we should like to express our deep gratitude to the African

heads of State for their selfless contribution and especially to the

founding President of the Togolese People's Assembly, General

Gnassigbe Eyadema who, at the risk of his life, went in the midst of

war to N'Djamena to attempt to obtain a cease-fire. We also extend

our thanks to our great pan-African organization, the Organization of

African Unity.

These achievements are and will remain fragile and could at any time

be lost if Chad's neighboring and other countries do not stop from

interfering in our internal affairs by encouraging the people of Chad

to rekindle the flames of war. We would therefore recall that States

are duty bound to respect the principles inscribed in the Charter of

the United Nations and that of the OAU, in particular, the principles

of non-interference in the internal affairs of others, respect for

territorial integrity, national independence and the non-acquisition

of territories by Aarce.

After the restoration of peace and the beginning of national

reconciliation, a Council of State was established in order to

guarantee the continuity of the State and the management of the

affairs of the country. A Government will be formed on the basis of

consultations which are now under way. It will have as its task the

completion of reconciliation among all the people of Chad, a start on

the work of national reconstruction and the creation of favorable

conditions for the establishment of democratic institutions.

Peace and security do not suffice to guarantee genuine stability in a

country if they are not supported by action for socio-economic

development. Chad, already disadvantaged by its situation as a

land-locked country, has suffered from a dislocated economy since

independence. The combined effects of drought and war have worsened

its already alarming economic situation. In fact, at this very moment

the country is devastated, most public and social buildings have been

destroyed, our economic and highways infrastructure is in a state of

complete disrepair, communications with other countries are almost

non-existent, hospitals and schools lack staff and equipment, people

in certain regions are dying of hunger and the massive return of

refugees is posing a problem as regards their resettlement and

rehabilitation; and the list goes on.

Chad intends to maintain friendly relations with other countries

which are mutually beneficial, but without infringing upon its

freedom of judgment and action. By the same token, we reaffirm our

firm attachment to the principles of the immutability of frontiers

bequeathed by colonization and of the settlement of disputes by

peaceful means. It is in this spirit that Comrade Hissein Habre

reaffirmed in his statement to the nation of 18 June that:

"Our international relations are guided by the relevant principles of

the Charter of the United Nations and that of the OAU:

non-interference and mutually advantageous and reciprocally friendly

cooperation; positive and dynamic non-alignment which in no way

excludes our taking a position on various subjects of international

interest; the implacable struggle against hegemony, whatever its

source and active solidarity with all neighboring countries. We

firmly state that Chad will never be a base for subversion or

aggression against fraternal neighboring countries'

For several years now constant conflicts have marked the relations

among States Members of the Organization; recourse to the threat or

use of force, political, diplomatic, economic and military pressures

are common currency. This has led the Secretary- General in his

report on the work of the Organization to state: "We are perilously

near to a new international anarchy".

These acts of insecurity are leading to the proliferation of hotbeds

of crisis the world over. This applies especially to the question of

Western Sahara, the situation in southern Africa, the problem of the

Middle East and conflicts in Asia.

The problem of Western Sahara has become an alarming one for the

international community and especially for Africa. My country has

continually called for a peaceful solution to this problem in

accordance with the relevant resolutions of the OAU and of the United

Nations, and in particular in accordance with the decisions adopted

at the eighteenth session of the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and

Government at Nairobi in June 1981.

In southern Africa, our major concern remains the establishment of

genuine freedom. We must restore dignity to our African brothers who

are suffering in Namibia and Azania, the last bastions of the most

blatant form of colonialism. As regards the Namibian problem, the

international community is aware today that the South African regime

does not understand the language of dialogue, but rather that of

force. The racist regime in Pretoria and its allies do not wish to

let go of Namibia, but to continue to exploit the wealth of that

Territory. That racist regime could not have adopted such an arrogant

attitude or have rejected the determination of the international

community had it not relied on the assistance and support of its

allies.

We reaffirm our steadfast support for the South West Africa People's

Organization, the authentic representative of the Namibian people,

and call for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435

(1978) in order to establish a cease-fire and proceed to free

elections. We urge the countries which continue their economic,

cultural, military and nuclear co-operation with the racist regime of

South Africa to put an end to these relations and to cooperate

sincerely with the United Nations so as to achieve a rapid solution

to the Namibian problem.

In South Africa itself, the racists stick to their policy of

segregation in its most demeaning form, thereby perpetuating the

greatest scourge of mankind. My delegation cannot fail to reiterate

its condemnation of that hateful system. It also condemns the

aggression against and invasion of the People's Republic of Angola,

as well as the constant violation of the territories of other

front-line States by racist troops.

The crisis which is unsettling the Horn of Africa is not likely to

foster unity and cohesion in our continent but, rather, to perpetuate

permanent tension. We venture to hope that the two fraternal

countries will finally come to the negotiating table to find a

peaceful solution to their dispute.

As regards the situation in the Middle East, many initiatives have

been undertaken by the international community, but unfortunately

they have not been followed up in a promising way because of the

warlike attitude of the State of Israel. Everyone is convinced that

the outcome of this conflict, which has been of concern to peoples

who cherish peace and freedom for more than a quarter of a century,

rests on the implementation of the resolutions of the Organization.

This involves the evacuation by the Jewish State of ail Arab and

Palestinian territories which it occupies; the exercise by the

Palestinian people of its inalienable rights to self-determination

and the establishment of an independent and sovereign State in its

own homeland; the recognition of the Palestine Liberation

Organization as the sole representative of the Palestinian people;

recognition of and respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity

and political independence of each State in the region and the right

of each State to live in peace within internationally recognized

borders.

My delegation condemns the invasion of Lebanon by Israel and the

abominable massacre of Palestinian civilians in Sabra and Shatila.

The international community is duty bound to apply sanctions against

Israel under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations.

The conflict between Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran, two

neighboring Islamic countries, has already caused considerable losses

in human life and material damage. In principle we reject any

recourse to violence in solving a dispute which might arise between

States and this is why my delegation reiterates here its appeal to

the two parties for a cease-fire and for a peaceful solution to the

problem. Consequently, we support the ongoing initiative within the

Organization of the Islamic Conference and other initiatives which

might help to bring about peace in that region.

In Asia, the problems of Afghanistan and Kampuchea continue to be a

source of concern to us. The continuation of the situations in those

two countries and their regional and international effects emphasize

the urgent need for peaceful solutions that could restore internal

and regional peace. Such solutions necessarily involve the withdrawal

of foreign troops, and strict respect for the independence and

territorial integrity of those countries, and a settlement allowing

the two peoples to determine their own fate in full sovereignty.

Similarly, regarding Korea, we support the principle of the peaceful

reunification of the two parts of the country, without external

interference, and the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Korean

peninsula.

Another political question merits comment-disarmament. The second

special session of the General Assembly on that question, which

opened in a spirit of euphoria, has somewhat dashed the hopes placed

in it, inasmuch as its work has not led to any tangible results;

however, it Las en Ale J not only Member States, international

organizations, governmental and non-governmental organizations, but

also the public to become fully aware of 4he danger inherent in the

possession of nuclear and chemical weapons and, consequently, of the

absolute necessity to freeze them immediately and gradually destroy

them. Enormous resources, both human and financial, would thereby be

freed and could be devoted to development.

Fortunately, since dialogue between the major Powers has not ceased,

my delegation remains convinced that wisdom will prevail over any

negative considerations that could lead the world into a nuclear

holocaust, which would spare no one.

The world is living in a state of expectation, but the margin for

optimism is a thin one, especially because other phenomena of

domination and destabilization of small countries, such as the use of

mercenaries, continue to develop. Indeed, in recent years there has

been a renewal of acts of aggression by mercenaries and other

irregular elements against countries attempting to enjoy political

sovereignty and independence. Their activities are threatening

international peace and security in the same way as armed conflicts

between countries. The people of Chad has suffered firsthand the

effects of those activities. That is why we urge the Committee on the

Drafting of an International Convention against the Recruitment, Use,

Financing and Training of Mercenaries to conclude its work and

produce a convention very soon.

Development questions are also of concern to the Organization and

have been since its creation, and the struggle against the inequity

of the international economic system is part and parcel of the

struggle the international community must wage. Indeed, here we are

in the middle of the Third United Nations Development Decade and

still uncertain about our future. The problems which the developing

countries have to face are increasing even though it is true that no

efforts have been spared to find a solution-for example, the fifth

session of UNCTAD, the sixth and seventh special sessions of the

General Assembly, the creation of UNIDO to promote the industrial

development of States, and many other initiatives.

In spite of efforts to ensure our development and in spite of the

levels of international negotiation, the gap continues to widen

between the economies of the developed countries and those of the

developing countries.

The ills of international economic relations are more structural than

cyclical. They include the increased deficit in the balance of

payments of the poor countries, the continual deterioration in the

terms of trade, ever growing inflation, rigid and unfavorable

conditions for the transfer of technology, which are compounded by

obstacles and limitations imposed on access by developing countries

to international financial markets.

We must add to those the vicissitudes of nature for some of these

countries, such as Chad-landlocked, insular, prone to drought, and so

on. To be sure, not everything is so negative, as shown by the

adoption in April of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the

Sea.' But there is a serious degeneration of the very spirit which

should guide the new concept of international economic co-operation.

That widens even further the gap between North and South-a source of

political instability the world over. For that reason my delegation

recalls that the gradual establishment of a new economic order

requires, first, the democratization of international relations,

which necessitates the overhauling and strengthening of international

institutions. It would be desirable for the developed countries to

practice policies compatible with the interests of the developing

countries. That means the abandonment, to whatever degree, of the

current tendency based only on solution of internal problems.

The delegation of Chad draws the attention of the Assembly to

decisions and resolutions the Organization has adopted in favor of

geographically disadvantaged countries. These countries have great

needs and would like both national and international financial

institutions to pay particular attention to them. We believe that the

International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations

Development Decade should stimulate development in the third world.

To do that, it is high time that we reformed the structures of the

current economic system flowing from a global and integral approach

to problems of the world economy with the participation of the whole

international community.

Certainly, the international community has not been unaware of these

difficulties. It has shown its concern for our people since 1979.

Thus, the General Assembly has adopted many resolutions on emergency

aid and reconstruction assistance; the most recent -resolution 36/210

adopted in 1981-requests the Secretary-General to organize a pledging

conference on assistance to Chad. In that connection, during my stay

in New York I have had talks with the representative of the current

Chairman of the OAU Assembly of Heads of State and Government, the

Minister for Foreign Affairs of Kenya, with the Secretary-General of

the United Nations and with the Administrator of UNDP, to whom I have

expressed the earnest desire of my country to see that conference

take place before the end of this year. We are confident that the

Secretary-General will organize this conference in which we hope to

see the largest possible participation by lenders and international

organizations. To that end, we repeat our appeal to the international

community for emergency assistance to Chad and for effective

participation by lenders in the conference.

Chad seeks only to live in peace and understanding with all countries

that love peace and justice, in particular with its neighbors. It is

in this spirit that we wish to refer here to a situation that has

been of concern to the people of Chad since 1973, namely, the

occupation of a part of our territory by a neighboring country, which

occupation we have constantly condemned. This problem has already

been raised in the OAU and the General Assembly and the Security

Council of the United Nations, and we still hope to see it solved

peacefully. As soon as they entered N'Djamena, the Armed Forces of

the North and the Council of State got in direct and indirect contact

with that neighboring country, so as to create at the very outset

detente between the two countries so that our two peoples might live

in a climate of peace. In spite of our readiness for dialogue we are

bound to note the silence on the other side; more serious still,

there has been glaring interference.

That was the message that I wished to impart to the Assembly, on

behalf of my delegation. As representatives must have noted, owing to

the special situation prevailing in our country, we have spoken at

some length to state the concerns of our people. Our people has

suffered too much from war and should now be entitled to lasting

peace and its development with the assistance of friendly countries

and the international community, to which we affirm that peace and

security have been restored in Chad.

Before concluding, we should like to repeat our appeal to the

international community to help us effectively in the true battle

that we intend henceforth to wage, that is, the reconstruction and

development of Chad.