General Debate, session 80
Chad, 2025
- Speaker
- Allamaye Halina
- Post
- Prime Minister
- Session
- 80th, 2025
- Member state
- Chad
- Length
- 3,565 words
How this text was produced. Not a transcript. The United Nations published no validated written record of the eightieth session, so this text was produced by machine transcription of the official simultaneous interpretation. It is one rendering of an interpreter's rendering, and the words below should not be quoted as the speaker's own.
Statement as recorded
The Assembly will now hear an address by His Excellency Allah Mayeh Halina, Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Republic of Chad. I request protocol to escort Her Excellency and invite her to address the Assembly. Madam President of the General Assembly, Ladies and Gentlemen, Heads of State and Government, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Because of constraints linked to his national agenda, Marshal Mahmoud Idris Deby-Idnon, President of the Republic of Chad, Head of State, who wished to be involved in this important meeting at the United Nations, has not been able to come to New York. He would like to convey his sincere regret for not being here and has conferred upon me the task of delivering his message, which reaffirms Chad's commitment to the principles of multilateralism and the sovereignty of peoples. It is therefore for me a great honour to deliver to this august Assembly the message of the President of the Republic of Chad, Head of State, and I quote, Madam President of the General Assembly, Ladies and Gentlemen, Heads of State and Government, Secretary-General of the United Nations, I would like, at the outset, to honour God, the all-powerful force of wisdom and strength that enabled us to come here together in a spirit of dialogue to look at the challenges of our time and of our world, primarily the questions of development, but also international peace and security. I would like to convey our congratulations to Madam Annalena Baerbock, President of the 80th Session of the General Assembly, on her election, and assure her of the full support of my country in carrying out her mandate. By the same token, I would like to express our sincere thanks to Ambassador Philippine Yang, outgoing President, for his outstanding leadership of the previous session. Thus, I would also like to express our sincere appreciation and our full support to Secretary-General Mr Antonio Guterres for his unfailing efforts to fly the flag of multilateralism high, embodied by the UN, whose mission and even raison d'etre is currently being tried by numerous challenges that are constantly affecting our common bedrock of humanity. Madam President, Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am speaking to you before this august assembly with a great weight of history and the force of a sincere conviction the United Nations, 80 years after it was born, in the pain, so to speak, of wars, must come to life once again in the truth of our hopes. Better together, 80 years for peace development and human rights, is more than just a celebration. It is something that strikes us, an invitation to re-examine the role, the relevance and the political and moral legitimacy of our shared organisation. It would be wrong to deny the historic merit of the UN. The UN has contributed to preserving global peace, it has helped decolonisation, it has fostered human rights and provides a multilateral cooperation framework. Nonetheless, we need to underscore that 80 years after it was established, the UN is still far from having accomplished the aims that were conferred upon it by the Charter. Despite undeniable progress that I have mentioned, we have to note that the UN has never disappointed as much as it is today, in particular because of its inability to stop bloody conflicts that continue to prevail in several areas of the world, in Africa, in Asia, in South America. There is increasing defiance because too often major decisions taken by this organisation seem to serve the interests of some great powers to the detriment of the aspirations of the countries of the South, because the Security Council remains a very fixed structure, a legacy of the post-war period, where Africa, the cradle of a fifth of humanity, remains excluded for all major representation, because sanction and intervention mechanisms are often selective and indignation seems to be conditioned on where it is happening geographically. We need to be bold enough to say here that peacekeeping missions of the UN have often failed in their promises and in their duty, be this in Haiti, in the CAR, in the Democratic Republic of Congo or in Mali. The blue helmets in certain cases have been accused of inaction and even behaviour that runs counter to the very principles of the organisation that they represent. How can we understand that instead of protecting, some have been complicit in violations? How can we explain that after being there for decades, conflicts still persist and in some cases are worsening? These failures, often tragic, erode the legitimacy of the UN on the ground and in people's hearts. It is crucial for peacekeeping operations to be reformed very deeply and evaluated in a transparent way, refocused on their fundamental mission to protect civilians. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, for more than seven decades, the world is witness, powerless to a human and political tragedy. I am talking to you about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the current situation in Gaza with indiscriminate bombing, thousands of civilian deaths and the systematic destruction of vital infrastructure is a collective failure of the international community. We're not just talking about a conflict anymore. We're talking about a humanitarian scandal and an unprecedented moral challenge. The latent war between Israel and Iran, regional tensions and the inability of the UN to bring a lasting solution undermines not only stability in the Middle East, but peace throughout the entire world. As long as justice has not triumphed in Jerusalem and Gaza, people's consciences will not be clear here in New York. As long as international law is flouted in Palestine, it will be weakened elsewhere. We are calling this year, as we do every decade, for the effective recognition of the Palestinian state in the 1967 borders, the immediate end to legal settlement and a political solution that guarantees the coexistence of two viable, free and secure states. To this end, my country welcomes the adoption by a broad majority of the New York Declaration on Palestine, dated the 12th of September 2025. This is a historic step forward and a major step in the quest for a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East. Our collective duty from now on is to transform this strong declaration into specific acts and to turn the hope of the Palestinian people into a reality. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, in the area of development, the UN is struggling to make the collective step forward that is needed to ensure the implementation of international agendas and primarily the 2030 agenda. Five years from the fateful deadline, we are going to have to mobilize annually more than $4 billion to meet the development financing deficit in poor countries. To this end, the civil commitment is, there is no doubt, our last chance to move from words to action to speed up the implementation of the SDGs. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, whether we are talking about peace or international security or development or climate action, the future of multilateralism to which we are all committed is really at stake here. For this, we need unfailing commitment, relentless determination and more solidarity-based collective action and robust action to implement the common goals that we have established, such as the 2030 agenda, the civil commitment, the Paris Agreement, the Pact for the Future or the Doha Plan of Action for LDCs, the Antigua and Barbuda Plan of Action for Small Island Developing States and the OASA Plan of Action for Landlocked Developing Countries. Yes, the success of the UN will be judged in the light of our collective ability to help vulnerable countries, such as African countries and countries in special situations, their ability to meet the challenges to ensure that no person be left behind. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, despite these legitimate frustrations with the UN and given the challenges that are increasing and becoming more complex from day to day, it is crucial that the world really needs the UN and it needs multilateralism because the world's challenges can only be addressed through cooperation and collective action. The aspirations of the peoples of the world for a peaceful life, a healthy planet and equal opportunities, access to well-being and prosperity, all whilst human rights are upheld, are valid as are everybody's right to live in a just, fair and safe society. But they can only be ensured through multilateralism. Therefore, we have the Pact for the Future and the Seville Commitment. And these are exciting because they really translate this thirst, this desire for the UN. So it cannot disappoint or betray the legitimate aspirations of the people of the world. We cannot go it alone. We cannot stop this collective impetus. Of course, we're fully aware of the troubles that are there in the world because of the increase in unilateral actions and geopolitical tensions. But development aid here is seeing drastic cuts that are having a significant impact on the most vulnerable countries and communities and are really hitting at the heart of the operations of the entire UN system. UN entities and agencies have had to cut off vital services that were benefiting the most vulnerable in the most fragile of countries. Refugees, women, children, aid sufferers just overnight have been found cut off from treatment and health care, and therefore their lives are now in danger. It is crucial to preserve what has been achieved in carrying out the reform of the UN very painstakingly because a fatal blow must not be brought to the UN because it must carry out its most noble task to assist the most vulnerable. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, strengthening and preserving multilateralism, and it's something that we all want, also involves a long-expected reform of global governance. My country, therefore, has quickly implemented the recommendations of the pact on the reform of the international financial architecture and the UN by improving the working methods and strengthening the General Assembly. But also we very much want to see the reform of the Security Council, and it is an extremely urgent matter. It goes without saying that if there is one body that really embodies all frustrations, all injustices, and all double standards, it is the inability of the UN to respond to the expectations of the people, then that is embodied in the Security Council. It is totally unacceptable that Africa, the cradle of humanity, the demographic lungs of the entire world, the strategic driving force of the 23rd century, remains marginalized in the highest echelons of international governance. This exclusion is not just a political aberration. It is a historic injustice, and this injustice must be addressed without delay. For several years now, Africa has been calling consistently and with dignity for what is its right to permanent seats in the United Nations Security Council with a veto right in line with the Ezzelwini consensus. This is not a favor or a concession. It is a call for justice, for representation, and for coherence. The world cannot claim to be in favor of peace, balance, and legitimacy while more than a billion people are held to one side, kept to one side of vital decisions for the future of the planet. We are not asking for permission in Africa. We are reaffirming our voice, our vision, and our vocation in Africa. Unfortunately, many people believe that a lot of the world is indifferent to the ills that Africans are facing, and the Security Council is just providing very basic service. There are multiple meetings on issues pertaining to the continent, but they have very little impact on people. The facts can attest to this. For example, 14 years have passed, and Libya is still in a political impasse, and so it is pushing peace back into the annals of history. In Sudan, civilians have been abandoned to their sad fate because the Security Council has not been able to or has not wanted to shoulder its responsibility by bringing the war mongers to a cessation of hostilities and to ensuring and bringing about a peaceful settlement of their disputes. This inability of the Council to fully play its role as the guarantor of international peace and security is a reason to speed up its reform, to adapt to the reality of today's world and to make it more inclusive, more representative, more democratic, and therefore more effective. Ladies and gentlemen, Madam President, in a world that is constantly changing, where there is increasing interdependence and challenges transcend borders, my country, Chad, would like to reaffirm from this rostrum a fundamental truth. States' sovereignty is the bedrock of international order. Sovereignty is not a privilege or a concession. It is an inalienable right enshrined in the United Nations Charter. It guarantees that each people can take ownership of their own destiny. It ensures the free determination of its political, economic, and cultural choices and the respect for its own identity. In this body of nations, each state is, one particular note, bringing about global harmony. Nobody should be silenced. Nobody should be constrained to be uniform. Sovereignty is the very precondition for dialogue, peace, and international justice. This is why we are calling for more fair global governance, where the states of the South, emerging nations, voices that have long been marginalized, can fully enjoy their rights to speak, to take part in decisions, and to enjoy dignity. Africa is calling for its legitimate place in global governance. The United Nations cannot just accept symbolic arrangements anymore. A root-and-branch institutional reform is necessary. Madam President, my country, Chad, in the heart of Africa, is both witness to and part of the struggle for peace and security. We are at the crossroads of all contemporary challenges, security, humanitarian, climate challenges, but also major sources of hope. Our country is facing the persistent threat of terrorism, which is destabilizing the region of the Lake Chad Basin. Given the threat posed by Boko Haram, Chad has not received any external support and has had to deal with this on our own. This sacrifice, bared by the people of Chad, which has often been done without receiving gratitude, bears witness to our country's commitment to bring about peace and security. It is time for the international community to recognize this reality and to support us in this struggle. Above and beyond security, Chad is also facing the tragic effects of climate change. We are seeing droughts and natural disasters affecting our food security and undermining our development. We are calling for heightened solidarity, to provide equal access to financing, to green technologies and vaccines, which are critical to build resilient and fair societies. In this context, we urgently need to step up efforts to preserve our ecosystem, notably around the Lake Chad Basin, where the retreat of this lake is directly threatening the life of millions of people. Chad and many other countries in Africa have virtually no greenhouse gas emissions, but nevertheless they are bearing the brunt of a crisis that they did not cause. That is why we are calling for fairer global governance, where Africa can have its legitimate place. We are calling for effective climate justice and equal access to financing, to green technologies and vaccines. Madam President, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, Chad has been through many different political convulsions and is part of a sub-regional context which is marked by crises, conflicts and wars, but we were able to overcome this transition holding our head high. Our country has been able to overcome the most pessimistic predictions and we have been able to make progress based on dialogue, which has been part and parcel of this transition. From this rostrum, I would like to express our gratitude to God and to the people of Chad who have made this success possible. We would like to thank our partners, in particular the UN, for their decisive support. Thanks to this multifaceted support, Chad has been able to take decisive steps forward towards democratic and inclusive governance. I am certain that my compatriots will continue with this momentum and that we will be able to overcome the remaining challenges. And in so doing, we will continue dialogue and national reconciliation to bring about peace and national unity, to defend our territory and to overcome the challenge of achieving socio-economic development. All of these measures are part and parcel of the political programme which led to my election in May of 2024. It is in this context that the government has just adopted the new National Development Plan for 2025-2030, which is the Chad Connection 2030. This focuses on four key domains and it aims to carry out significant changes in our economy and in our society. In order to realise this ambitious programme, Chad is intending to mobilise US$30 billion, of which 46% are expected to come from the private sector. I would like to take this opportunity to invite all our partners to the roundtable for the mobilisation of resources, which is scheduled for the 7th and 8th of November in Abu Dhabi in the UAE. As concerns the situation in Sudan, we would like to express our deep concern about the war which is devastating that country and which is affecting the entire region with incalculable humanitarian, socio-economic, environmental and security consequences. When it comes to the humanitarian domain, for instance, the situation to the east of Chad is deeply alarming. Ladies and gentlemen, the impact of this crisis on people is also significant. We are seeing that the number of refugees from Sudan into Chad is more than 2 million, of whom 1.5 million have arrived since the 15th of April 2023. In the east, the west and the south, refugees notably from Sudan, Nigeria and Cameroon have been coming in in significant numbers. We have a sense of humanitarian duty and we will continue to open our doors to welcome our brothers and sisters notably from Sudan. But we cannot bear this significant burden for humanitarian assistance alone and that is why I call upon the international community to help these people and to help Chad to overcome this challenge with support. In the military domain, the continuation of hostilities in Sudan will only extend the suffering of civilians from Sudan and exacerbate the humanitarian situation in combat areas and also in neighbouring countries such as Chad, who continue to see the further influx of refugees. Chad regrets the fact that the numerous appeals for a ceasefire have not been heard and we urge the parties immediately to cease hostilities, to facilitate humanitarian access and to engage once again in political dialogue. We are convinced that the current crisis in Sudan cannot be resolved through weapons but rather through peaceful means, through inclusive inter-Sudanese dialogue, so that lasting peace can be achieved. Chad, which has a position of strict neutrality vis-à-vis the conflict in Sudan and which has always supported efforts to bring about peace in Sudan, reaffirms its commitment to peace in Sudan and its availability to contribute to any initiative that can promote dialogue between the protagonists to end this war, which has lasted too long. On the situation in the Central African Republic, Chad welcomes the positive momentum towards bringing about peace to achieve national reconciliation and socio-economic progress, which are all still ongoing in that country. We welcome the policy that His Excellency Fousta Arkange Touadéra of the CAR has been rolling out. Thanks also to the mediation that Chad has had the honor to be part of, we reaffirm our commitment to the peace and stability of the CAR and we are willing to further make efforts to support peace and reconciliation in that country. Ladies and gentlemen, beyond our region, Africa as a whole remains a continent that crystallizes all attention in spite of our marginalization in global governance. If the UN wishes to survive the next few decades, it must once again become the house of the people and not just that of the powerful. The UN must speak to young people in the Sahel, mothers in Gaza, to farmers in the Amazon, to displaced persons in Sudan, refugees in Ukraine and Burma with one voice, that of shared humanity. Better together, that means recognizing our failures so that it's better to overcome them in the future. Better together means admitting that no one has a monopoly on truth or pain. Better together means finally building an international system where every nation counts and where every human life has the same value. We therefore call on the UN to once again find its soul and its moral power. Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Chad believes in peace. Chad believes in the UN. But even more than this, Chad believes in humanity because Chad is the cradle of humanity. Because we are convinced that together, united in diversity, we can overcome the challenges of our time. We can change the world. We can protect fundamental rights. We can ensure that peace wins out and we can bring about sustainable development for all. The words of Idris Ebi-Idno, the President of Chad. I thank you for your kind attention. On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank His Excellency, Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Republic of Chad.
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