Sierra Leone, 1969

1. Madam President, I wish to

congratulate you on your election to the high office of

President of the twenty-fourth session of the United

Nations General Assembly. Your great experience and

competence in the affairs of the United Nations over the

past fifteen years will enable you to guide our deliberations

with tact, skill and ability. Apart from the ties of affinity

which bind our two countries, we share a common

endeavour in building a democratic nation out of many

different communities. We acknowledge the part played by

your delegation and by you yourself, personally, in the

events which, in 1961 led to the admission of Sierra Leone

as the one-hundredth Member of the United Nations. We

assure you of the support of the Sierra Leone delegation

during your tenure of office.

2. We would like to take this opportunity also to express

our sympathy to Guatemala for the loss of Mr. Emilio

Arenales, who was President during the last General

Assembly, and who died before he was able to complete the

assignment entrusted to him by the Assembly. We all

admired the courage with which he carried out his duties

despite his failing health. We all share deeply in the loss of a

great world statesman.

3. We congratulate the Secretary-General on the introduction

to his annual report [A/7601/Add.1]. We know how

difficult the year has been for him and for his staff and yet,

in the face of all the obstacles, he was able to present us

with a report which contains some concrete achievements.

We would like, however, to underline his statement about

the precarious financial position of the Organization and to

urge all defaulting Member States to fulfil their obligations

so as to enable the United Nations to attain its objectives.

4. The achievements in space exploration of the two

super-Powers have filled all of us with admiration. We

would like to congratulate the United States of America on

its successful moon landing. In our view, the importance of

this achievement lies in its exciting challenge to all of us.

We must continue to seek positive solutions to the

problems confronting us so as to create an atmosphere

which will enhance the well-being of mankind. We must not

allow the progress in our human and national relationships

to lag behind our technological advances.

5. On the eve of the silver jubilee of our Organization, it

may be considered appropriate for us to reappraise the

success of the United Nations in achieving the ideals which

were contemplated at San Francisco. The United Nations

Organization was established, among other things, to

maintain international peace and security; to develop

friendly relations among nations, based on the principles of

equal rights and self-determination of peoples; and to foster

international co-operation in economic, social, cultural and

humanitarian fields. While we are ready to admit that the

specialized agencies of the United Nations have made

Significant successes, we are disheartened that international

stability has been disturbed by armed conflicts in various

parts of the world. The unresolved case of Viet-Nam is a

striking example of such conflicts. My Government feels

that the current peace talks in Paris, coupled with the

continuing withdrawal of the American forces from South

Viet-Nam, are genuine indications of a desire towards

peace.

6. We believe that several factors have contributed to

creating tensions in the international sphere. In this decade,

for example, although many new nations, including ourselves,

have appeared in this Assembly, yet about a third of

the world’s population remains unrepresented here. These

include a nuclear Power and other countries which have

been excluded because the ravages of war have divided

them in a way which makes it difficult for them to be

properly represented in this Assembly. We believe that it is

within the competence of this Organization to create the

means whereby two countries which were formerly one

could be admitted to membership. The structure and

procedure of the United Nations Organization are likewise

factors which create international tensions. While these.

might have been justified in the initial stages of the

Organization, we do not think that they are relevant at this

stage because they do not give due recognition of the

population, potentialities, and growing importance of the

developing nations. We would like to suggest an examination

of the power entrusted to some of the founding

Members, the exercise of which by certain States tends to

frustrate the legitimate aspirations of developing nations.

We do not ask that they should be deprived of all their

powers, but we do ask that a redistribution of these powers

should reflect a more realistic and equitable picture of our

Organization on the eve of its silver jubilee.

7. The political development of parts of the African

continent, particularly the southern area, has been far too

often subjected to the economic interests of the industrialized

Powers. It is quite evident to anyone, who has

examined the subject with any objectivity or sincerity, that

the behaviour of some of the major Powers, as far as this

question is concerned, leaves one with the impression of

hypocrisy or double dealing. Africa is one of the world’s

great reservoirs of natural resources, but paradoxically, the

Africans remain one of the world’s poorest peoples. This is

a cruelty which cries aloud for an early redress.

8. We have always condemned, and shall continue to

condemn, the obnoxious policy of apartheid and racial

discrimination wherever it is practised. Indeed, the whole

Organization is unanimous in its condemnation of apartheid.

Whilst we multiply resolutions condemning apartheid

and discrimination, vast sums of money are being transferred

from the United States, Britain, France, Western

Germany and Japan, amongst others, for purely selfish

economic reasons, to aid the development of South Africa.

What these nations have refused to admit is that these

investments not only stimulate the industrial growth of

South Africa, but also enable that country to intensify the

growth of human misery in that part of our continent. We

have listened with great interest to the contribution made

by the President of Botswana [1764th meeting], and we

are convinced that the time has come for the Government

of South Africa to call a halt to its vicious and diabolical

policy, and to embark on constructive and realistic measures

which will facilitate the peaceful coexistence of all

States in southern Africa. We also appeal to these major

Powers that now reap financial dividends from their

investments in South Africa to think of the larger human

problems. If they do this, South Africa may, very likely,

respond to our calls for moderation and change.

9. Sierra Leone believes that the causes of peace cannot be

pursued unless the causes of war are removed; that the

domination of one country by another is one of the basic

causes of conflict. Sierra Leone continues to believe that

the peoples of Zimbabwe have the inalienable right to

self-determination. The United Kingdom Government has a

responsibility, as the administering Power, to ensure that

this right is exercised without further delay. Indeed, the

United Kingdom Government has maintained that there can

be no independence for Southern Rhodesia unless the

principles of NIBMAR are fulfilled.

10. We find it most unfortunate, however, that Britain

should have absolved itself completely of this responsibility

for Southern Rhodesia, and pressed for sanctions when it

was clear to Britain that the effectiveness of sanctions

would be paralysed by Portugal and South Africa. When, as

a result of an illegal referendum, it was announced that

Southern Rhodesia would declare itself as a republic, the

British Governor abdicated his responsibility by resigning.

We would have considered Britain’s position more realistic

and more in conformity with what it has declared in the

past years if the representative of Her Majesty had remained

at his post until forced to leave by an illegal republican

regime. His resignation and the fact that he has not been

replaced by Britain seems to us to be sheer condonation of

the actions of this illegal regime. This abandonment of a

fundamental moral and legal obligation on the part of

Britain has made of Rhodesia one vast prison for the

unfortunate Africans living there, who are in the majority.

11. Although South Africa continues to be a Member of

the United Nations, yet it persists in ignoring that body’s

resolutions. Since the termination of South Africa’s mandate

over Namibia and the setting up of the United Nations

Council for Namibia, we have seen no improvement in the

attitude of the Vorster regime. Instead, it continues to

implement the Self-Government for Native Nations of

South Africa Act and the South West Africa Affairs Bill,

which give South Africa’s Parliament and its central

government very wide powers over the affairs of Namibia

and enforce in that territory the policy of apartheid and

discrimination.

12. The Portuguese Territories of Mozambique, Angola

and Guinea (Bissau), are fortified by arms provided for

them by NATO. It has been said that those arms have been

supplied for strategic reasons in Western Europe; but

Portugal has no war in Europe and all the arms are being

used solely to slaughter thousands of innocent Africans.

Again, it has been said that the treaty arrangements which

the United States of America has with Portugal regarding

the Azores and other strategic areas have forced the

American Government into a position of assisting Portugal.

Now that those treaties are being reappraised and it is clear

that the necessity for them is secondary, there can be no

reason, strategic or moral, for the continued support given

to Portugal by NATO for the further devastation and

destruction of our African populations. We should like to

congratulate our brothers in Guinea (Bissau), in particular,

who have been fighting the war of liberation with considerable

success despite the ferocity which Portugal has been

using to subdue them. The Portuguese have not been able

to stifle the spirit of resistance which lies active in the

breasts of our brothers, not only of Guinea (Bissau) but

also Mozambique and Angola. The struggle will gather

momentum with time until all Africa is free. This is the

passionate preoccupation of every true son of Africa.

13. Increasingly, the actions of the white minorities of

South Africa, Namibia, Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique and

Guinea (Bissau) are forcing the rest of Africa to the

realization that the philosophy of non-violence, as stated

and exemplified by winners of the Nobel Prize of African

origin such as Chief Albert Luthuli and Martin Luther

King, which we should have chosen to pursue is not

practicable in the face of armed force and condonation by

nations which declare themselves democratic. More and

more, Africa is being pushed against its inner will into a

position of violence and revolution.

14. In the Middle East, the hopes of resolving the conflict

which were entertained when the Security Council resolution

[242 (1967)] of 22 November 1967 was adopted have

not been realized. Indeed, the past twelve months have

witnessed a continuing deterioration of the situation. The

Government of Sierra Leone supports the Security Council

resolution of 22 November 1967, the implementation of

which it considers should be used as a basis for the

settlement of the conflict. It is greatly regretted that the

Jarring mission was interrupted prematurely. We welcome

the resumption of talks by the great and super-Powers, but

we are of the opinion that lasting peace in the Middle East

can only be achieved if such talks involve the parties

concerned. Every effort in achieving peace talks, whether

by direct confrontation or by the Rhodes method, which

we have reason to believe will be acceptable, should be

pursued relentlessly. We should also like to recommend that

steps should. be taken by both sides to ameliorate the

condition of the Palestinian refugees, many of whom find

themselves, through the dramatic upheavals of history,

second-class citizens or refugees in the country where their

people have lived for many generations.

15. Sierra Leone cannot remain silent on the armed

conflict continuing in Nigeria — a country with which we

have many close connexions. The conflict in Nigeria has

been causing us considerable concern. We appreciate the

efforts of the Organization of African Unity Consultative

Committee to resolve the dispute, but with the serious

involvement of Great Britain and the Soviet Union, among

others, in the conflict the situation in Nigeria has become

an international problem.

16. My delegation invites the United Nations and its

specialized agencies to consider the problem of starvation

in Nigeria and Biafra as a matter of urgency, and to take

appropriate steps to ensure that relief supplies are made

available to the victims of that tragic war. The United

Nations must call for an immediate cease-fire and encourage

both parties to negotiate a settlement.

17. The silver jubilee of this Organization coincides with

the advent of the Second United Nations Development

Decade. The achievements of the First Decade have not

been spectacular because of an unwillingness on the part of

most industrialized nations to give the developing countries

a just and equitable price for their primary products. The

decisions reached at the second session of the United

Nations Conference on Trade and Development in New

Delhi proved that point.

18. The quota system as presently structured prevents

most developing nations from selling all their products in

the world market. This contributes, in no small measure, to

their inability to achieve the stipulated target growth rate.

We hope that the Second United Nations Development

Decade will see both developed and developing countries

co-operating towards the realization of that objective. In

this regard, my country notes with disappointment the

extremely high rate of interest charged by the World Bank

on loans to member countries notwithstanding the wide

profit margin on the Bank’s operations.

19. The great Powers must realize that the safety and

future of their countries and peoples depend, not on

increasing their own wealth but on increasing both the

wealth of their countries and that of developing countries.

Thus would the gap between rich and poor be narrowed — a

gap which, if it continued to expand, would inevitably end

in conflagration. We are certain that many of the problems

of this Organization can be solved if it is realized by all

concerned that nations must decide for themselves how

best and under what political philosophy they can develop,

and that the major part of their resources must go to their

own development instead of the enrichment of other nations.

20. We do not share the pessimistic view which some hold

about the future of the United Nations. Those who do hold

it are sometimes reflecting an inner pessimism and insecurity

of their own. We know that there is a great deal to

be done, but the fact that the United Nations exists and is

concerned about doing it is, to us, a great sign of its

essential and useful role. It is our hope that this year, under

your able presidency, major steps will be taken which will

put the United Nations back on a road that will bring peace

and prosperity to people of all nations and of all races.

21. As we enter the threshold of our twenty-fifth anniversary,

let us be challenged by the noble ideals of our Charter,

humbled by our successes, conscious of our many shortcomings

and resolutely dedicated to that great ideal which

has eluded us all — peace, which alone is our primary objective.