General Debate, session 61

Singapore, 2006

Speaker
Mr. George YEO
Post
Minister for Foreign Affairs
Session
61th, 2006
Member state
Singapore
Length
1,991 words

Statement as recorded

I join other countries in

congratulating you, Madam, on your assumption of the

presidency. We in Singapore pledge our full support to

you.

The recent war in Lebanon had no clear victor.

Israel succeeded in removing the immediate threat

across the border, but could not wipe out Hizbollah.

Hizbollah claimed victory, having survived Israeli air

bombardments and ground action, even though

enormous damage was inflicted on Lebanon. On both

sides, innocent people have suffered greatly. Whether

the present ceasefire can become a lasting peace

depends on many factors, not least the ability of the

Lebanese army and the United Nations Interim Force

in Lebanon to maintain the buffer in southern Lebanon.

But one thing is clear: without the eventual

intervention of the United Nations, the fighting would

have continued and more lives would have been lost.

The Middle East is going through the throes of

change. In Palestine, there is no escaping a two-State

solution. However, defining the precise boundaries of

that solution is a grinding process which will take time.

No one can achieve all his demands; no party can insist

on absolute security. A new balance is being

established between Sunnis and Shiites in Lebanon,

Iraq and elsewhere in the region. This will also take

time. In many countries, there is tension between those

who are impatient for change and those who believe

that discontinuity will lead to chaos and anarchy. As

long as there is more despair than hope, terrorist

organizations will be able to find fresh recruits. What

happens in the Middle East affects the entire world. No

country is insulated, and certainly not from the terrorist

threat or from high energy prices.

No grand solution is possible. The end of the cold

war marked the end of an era when the major Powers

could settle the terms among themselves over the heads

of lesser countries. It was not that long ago — but it

seems so strange today — that a cold peace could have

been maintained for decades by each side pointing tens

of thousands of nuclear missiles at the other.

Technology has changed the rules. Warfare has now

become asymmetric. Cruise missiles and submarines

cannot solve the problem of suicide bombers. And

those who manipulate these terrorists might well take

positions in global financial markets to benefit from

the havoc that they create.

In a sense, technology has globalized the world

and broken it into smaller pieces. Empires have broken

up. New countries have been born. In large countries,

06-53323 24

power has devolved downwards and regions have

become more assertive. It has become a messier world,

which presents new challenges to global governance.

Improving global governance from above sometimes

seems like an impossible task. Take the reform of the

United Nations, for example: despite all the efforts

made and the fine speeches delivered, the results have

been quite modest.

The near-collapse of the Doha talks is another

example of how difficult it is to effect change from the

top down. When the General Agreement on Tariffs and

Trade was formed in 1948, there were only 23

members. Today, the World Trade Organization has 149

members. No country or group of countries seems able

or willing to take the lead in brokering a compromise.

We must hope that Director-General Pascal Lamy will

succeed in his heroic efforts to rescue the Doha

development round from failure.

There are other areas in which global action is

needed, but is insufficient. All of us worry about global

climate change, but how can there be consensus when

the costs and benefits are distributed so unevenly and

the major polluters are unwilling to accept

responsibility? We hear dire warnings from the World

Health Organization about a global flu pandemic, yet

our collective response is so feeble.

While we should never give up hope on global

initiatives, we should be realistic, because achieving

global consensus in a multipolar world is, to say the

least, challenging. When Governments have to win

elections, they are more likely to respond to short-term

political needs than to worry about long-term global

concerns. We can often do more at the regional level:

at the regional level, the stakes are clearer to our

constituencies and the need for action is easier to

explain. The Charter recognizes the role that regional

arrangements can play in helping the United Nations to

achieve its objectives.

In a globalized world with porous borders,

regional cooperation can often bring quick benefits. We

need only consider, for example, the simple act of

reopening, three months ago, after 44 years, the Nathu

La pass in the Himalayas between China and India.

Immediately, on both sides of the pass, ordinary people

benefited from trade and travel. New problems will

arise, of course, but they can be managed.

All over the world now, regional initiatives are

proliferating. Many overlap. Some are modest in their

objectives, providing forums for public and private

sector leaders to meet and consult. Others are more

ambitious, creating regional free-trade areas or

fostering joint efforts against problems like drug

trafficking and terrorism. Many of these regional

initiatives are open and inclusive, and should be

encouraged. Those which are superfluous will

gradually wither away. Some can make significant

contributions to global governance and reduce the

burdens borne by the big Powers. International

organizations like the United Nations, the World Trade

Organization, the World Health Organization, the

International Atomic Energy Agency and the United

Nations Environment Programme should work with

them, strengthen their capabilities and encourage

mutual learning. These initiatives create a habit of

cooperation among neighbouring countries and reduce

misunderstanding.

In Asia, the role of the Association of Southeast

Asian Nations (ASEAN) has not only been beneficial

to the 10 countries of South-East Asia; it has also

helped to create a larger architecture of cooperation.

Founded 39 years ago, in 1967, when the war in Indo-

China was raging, ASEAN began as a grouping to

promote what then-President Suharto of Indonesia

called “regional resilience”. The original five non-

communist countries of ASEAN — Indonesia,

Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore —

were determined to keep the peace among ourselves

and concentrate on economic development. Brunei

Darussalam joined ASEAN in 1984 after it became

independent. With the end of the cold war, peace

returned to Indochina and ASEAN gradually expanded

to include the newer member States of Viet Nam,

Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar, to become what it is

today: a community of 10.

In 1992, the countries of ASEAN decided to

establish a free trade area in stages. For trade in goods,

we have largely attained our objectives. For investment

and services, we still have some way to go. But there is

considerable political will to press on and make the

whole of ASEAN one economic space. Already,

ASEAN as a grouping plays a major role in

international trade, accounting for some 6 per cent of

total world trade.

The re-emergence of China and India as major

Powers presents us with opportunities as well as

challenges. ASEAN’s trade with both is growing

rapidly. But they are also a competitive challenge to us.

25 06-53323

When the leaders of ASEAN met in Bali three

years ago, they took a major decision: to establish an

ASEAN Community by 2020 with three main pillars —

security, economic cooperation and cultural

cooperation. To create such a community, an ASEAN

charter will be drawn up next year to provide the legal

basis for our future integration. It will include

provisions for dispute settlement by independent

panels.

The European Union is an inspiration to us in

ASEAN. Two months ago, the European Commission

hosted members of an ASEAN eminent persons group

and generously offered advice and assistance. While

ASEAN integration will never be as deep or as broad

as that of the European Union, there is much that we

can learn from the European experience.

For ASEAN to prosper, it is important that we

maintain good relations with all the major Powers. For

many years now, ASEAN has promoted good relations

with our dialogue partners, including the United States,

the European Union, Russia, China, Japan and India.

With strong growth in global trade, ASEAN has

negotiated or is in the process of negotiating free trade

agreements with China, India, Japan, Korea, Australia

and New Zealand, and closer economic partnerships

with the United States and the European Union. We

have a simple strategy, which is to give all of them a

strong stake in our unity and in our development.

Strategically, some of the most important sea lanes

pass through ASEAN waters. About a third of global

trade, half of global oil trade and 80 per cent of the oil

bound for China and Japan pass through the straits of

Malacca and Singapore.

Through the ASEAN-plus groupings and the East

Asia Summit, which includes China, Japan, Korea,

India, Australia and New Zealand, we are creating a

new architecture of peaceful cooperative development

in the larger Asia. ASEAN is not big enough to be a

major global player, but ASEAN plays a significant

role in holding Asia together and keeping it open to the

rest of the world. Whatever we do in Asia must not

cause the United States, the European Union or Russia

to think that we are excluding them.

ASEAN is a work in progress. Like other regions

in the world, we face many problems, related to

economic development, separatist movements,

terrorism, drug trafficking, environmental degradation,

maritime security, ethnic and religious divisions and

avian flu, among other issues. However, what each of

us in ASEAN has come to appreciate is that, without

ASEAN, each of these problems is much harder to

solve, and that ASEAN alone cannot solve any of

them: we have to be united and work with other

countries and with international organizations. We are

grateful for their assistance, their partnership and their

cooperation.

Madam President, ASEAN strongly supports you

and the United Nations. We will work with you to

improve the workings of the United Nations and to

make it more effective. In this regard, ASEAN

continues to endorse the candidature of Mr. Surakiart

Sathirathai as the next Secretary-General despite the

recent coup in Thailand. Although the coup was a

setback to both Thailand and ASEAN, Thai society has

a deep resilience which will enable it to recover

quickly. ASEAN will always be on the side of the Thai

people.

If every region in the world, working with the

United Nations, can help to stabilize its own immediate

environment and promote favourable conditions for

development, the prospects for global peace will be

enhanced. What the nations of Africa have been able to

do despite adverse circumstances is impressive. The

willingness of individual African countries to agree on

common positions is unique to that continent and is an

inspiration to the rest of us.

The United Nations is already stretched and can

only do so much. Instead, let us, in each of our regions,

do our part and work with the United Nations and its

organizations in a complementary way. In order to stop

the killing Darfur, for example, we need close

cooperation between the United Nations and African

countries.

Wherever possible, regional organizations should

be strengthened. The United Nations and other

international organizations can play a facilitating role,

provide resources and advice, set standards and

establish benchmarks. Even in the Middle East, where

the work often seems hardest, regional cooperation can

help create a better environment for peace and

development. For example, the reconstruction of Iraq

will be much more difficult, if not impossible, without

the goodwill of its neighbours.

With over 500 million people, ASEAN has 8 per

cent of the world’s population. Our share of global

gross domestic product is much lower, at 2 per cent.

06-53323 26

But within the limits of our modest capabilities, we in

ASEAN will do our part to contribute to the good work

of the United Nations in making this a better world, not

adding to its problems.

United Nations official records are in the public domain worldwide under administrative instruction ST/AI/189/Add.9/Rev.2.

Other years

2025 2024 2023 2022 2021 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 1994 1993 1992 1991 1990 1989 1988 1987 1986 1985 1984 1983 1982 1981 1980 1979 1978 1977 1976 1975 1974 1973 1972 1971 1970 1969 1968 1967 1966 1965

Where this page comes from