Senegal, 1992

The United Nations would appear today to be the ideal forum for seeking and identifying solutions

to the problems of all kinds that are assailing the world. It is here that modern history is being woven and it is here that ideas are expressed that plant the seeds of the future. That is both because the United Nations brings

together almost every country and because the ideas on which it is based and

the principles which guide it arise from our most generous feelings the

sense that we belong to the same humanity and are duty bound to preserve it.

Thus, it is always with hope that I speak before the Assembly. Today,

moreover, I am speaking on behalf of Africa and the Islamic Ummah. Speaking

on behalf of so many peoples is a heavy responsibility indeed, but one that is

also full of exaltation because of the hopes that underlie it.

I am even happier to bear that responsibility because the choice of you,

Mr. President, to guide the work of the forty-seventh session of the General

Assembly is a certain guarantee that it will take place smoothly and

successfully, for, in addition to your distinguished qualities as a diplomat,

you come from a country whose commitment to the triumph of the common ideals

of the nations gathered together here has never been in doubt.

Therefore, from the bottom of my heart I address my warmest

congratulations to you. I wish you to know also, and in particular, that in

carrying out your important and sensitive mission you can always count on the

cooperation of the Senegalese delegation and of all those on whose behalf I

speak at this session.

To your predecessor, Ambassador Samir Shihabi of the Kingdom of Saudi

Arabia, we pay a well-deserved tribute for his outstanding guidance of the

deliberations of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly. For anyone

who knows the great qualities of his people, there is nothing surprising in

that.

As to the Secretary-General, I am pleased to say once again how satisfied

we are at seeing him occupy this prestigious post. Our fraternal and friendly

support will always be with him in his efforts to ensure that the United

Nations plays the full role given it by the Charter and shoulders all the

responsibilities that derive from that Charter. Speaking of the role and

responsibilities of the United Nations, I cannot fail to emphasize the very

great hopes that his election has aroused in us Africans. Like our Arab

brothers and all the peoples of the countries members of the Organization of

the Islamic Conference, we viewed his election as concrete proof of the

universality of the United Nations. In fact, it constitutes a confirmation,

following upon the mandates assumed by Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, another

national of a developing country. All our best wishes are with the

Secretary-General.

Thanks to the atmosphere of detente prevailing today in international

relations, with the end of the cold war and of ideological tensions, the

credibility and image of our Organization have been greatly strengthened. For

some time now the United Nations has been demonstrating its effectiveness, in

particular through the tangible results in the area of peace-keeping. It has

also made significant progress in the slowing down of the arms race. In a

word, what was unimaginable yesterday is now a part of everyday life, and in

referring to it we now speak of a "new world order". The expression is rather

explicit, because for all of us it bears upon the strengthening of

international security and the guarantee of stability of international

relations. But the reality contained within it must also mean, for the

developing countries, a greater awareness of the aspirations of their peoples

to well-being.

In view of what is going on around us, we are still far from that

situation. Indeed, suffering and injustice are still the daily lot of

millions of men and women in several regions. What is even worse at this time

of over-abundance, when one thinks about the milk and grain surpluses, people

continue to die of hunger because they do not have the very strict minimum

they need. Similarly, people are still dying of diseases which medical

progress has now made it possible to cure.

Moreover, from recovery plans to adjustment programmes, the economies of

many countries have lost their structure and become anaemic, and their

Governments find themselves virtually powerless. The case of Africa, in this

regard, is tragically instructive. Its economic growth rates have remained at

their lowest in proportion to population growth; investments are rarely seen

and infrastructure needs are the most significant.

Here is a continent which is rich in minerals and mining resources but in

which paradoxically most of the poorest countries are to be found.

These sorry records are explained in part, by the youth of the countries

that make up Africa. But they are the result, above all, of its raw materials

and other products being sold at prices fixed outside the continent and most

of the time in total disregard of its interests. This situation is all the

more worrying because it has persisted I would even say worsened despite

the efforts of African leaders to improve it, especially since the beginning

of the 1980s.

Thus, in 1986, when I was Acting President of the Organization of African

Unity (OAU), I was mandated to appeal to the United Nations to deal with our

specific problems in a special way. Reacting positively, the United Nations

convened a special session of the General Assembly, which adopted the

United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and

Development 1986-1990 (UNPAAERD).

This document gave rise to the greatest hope because it was the fruit of

unprecedented joint effort. It was, theoretically, a true solidarity pact. I

say "pact" because Africa had committed itself to set up the necessary

structures for launching autonomous long-term socio- economic growth and

development programmes. The international community for its part agreed to

help Africa achieve that goal.

This dual commitment was expressly entered into in UNPAAERD, which made

it clear in particular that the international community would spare no effort

to provide sufficient resources to support and complement the development

efforts of Africa. That was clear.

Unfortunately, we must recognize that, while the African countries took

the measures agreed upon, the same cannot be said of the international

community as a whole, even if some countries of the North had a friendly and

understanding attitude in our regard. Will the United Nations New Agenda for

the Development of Africa in the 1990s (UN-NADA) be treated differently, more

generously? Undoubtedly it will be, if it is applied, because its commitments

are firm and precise, and follow-up, monitoring and assessment mechanisms have

been provided, thanks to which the two parties will be able to work together

on a permanent basis. Thus, they will be able together and at regular and

short intervals to ensure respect for the commitments agreed upon. It is

perhaps these frequent meetings which were missing in the implementation

process of UNPAAERD.

I hope that that is the only explanation for the modest results of that

document. But for the time being, I note that Africa is prey to the same

difficulties, some of which have even worsened.

That is the case with its external debt, the repayment of which consumes

the bulk of the meagre financial resources left to Africa owing to worsening

terms of trade.

Since lending countries are slow in agreeing to hold an international

conference devoted to this problem, we are making an urgent appeal to all

States and all international financial institutions so that together we can

explore other ways to solve the problem. Otherwise, it will be illusory to

expect the African countries to give all due attention to problems of common

interest. Quite naturally, they will devote their energies, on a priority

basis, to the struggle for the survival of their peoples. The persistence of

the African debt problem could even have other negative and more immediate

consequences; population movement from the South to the countries of the North

have already shown that this risk exists.

To this already grim picture we must add the increasingly evident

precariousness of the African environment, which is illustrated by the

devastating drought which has hit the southern part of the continent, after

having wreaked on the Sahel the damage of which we are all aware. We must

also add to this the lightning spread of the acquired immune deficiency

syndrome (AIDS), along with other diseases which have disappeared elsewhere,

and the number of hotbeds of tension which already exist, not to mention those

which may yet arise.

In this respect, it is South Africa which first comes to mind. None the

less, one would have thought a few months ago that the present session would

be the opportunity for the international community to rejoice over the

irreversible changes since the advent of President Frederick De Klerk. But

what do we see today, over and above the formal abrogation - I was going to

say theoretical abrogation of the apartheid laws?

Blacks still do not have the same rights as the rest of South African

society, and violence has been omnipresent in recent months, sometimes

achieving proportions which cast doubt upon the willingness of the South

African Government to change. The continuation of such an atmosphere would be

a serious threat to the progress we have all welcomed.

That is why at the twenty-eighth regular summit meeting of the OAU, held

at Dakar, it was felt necessary to take the matter to the Security Council.

In my capacity as Acting President of that pan-African organization, I should

like, on behalf of the continent, to express my sincerest thanks to the

members of this organ of our universal Organization for the diligence and

sense of solidarity with which they responded to our appeal by adopting

Security Council resolution 765 (1992), which invites the South African

authorities to take the appropriate measures to end the violence.

I also wish to avail myself of this opportunity to repeat our commitment

to a negotiated solution in South Africa and the hope generated by the recent

Mandela-De Klerk summit meeting. We hope that the talks to be resumed within

the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) after that meeting will

make it possible speedily to harmonize the positions of the parties and make

irreversible the resolute march of South Africa towards a non-racial,

democratic and united society.

The civil war in Liberia is another source of concern for Africa. It is

all the more worrying since it has continued even after a framework for a

peaceful settlement had been drawn up by the countries in the subregion.

As the Head of State of a country member of the Committee of Five of the

Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) that was set up to resolve

the crisis, I can testify to the fact that this framework was conceived with

the sole concern of helping our Liberian brothers regain peace. After several

meetings, we adopted it with the agreement of all of the parties. But the

bitter fact remains that the horizon is dark because the Economic Community of

West African States Monitoring Group (EC0M0G), the centre-piece of the

agreed-upon arrangement, does not have the means for its peace mission.

That is why, while thanking those who have already given us their

support, I should like to ask the United Nations to provide increased

assistance. In the absence of such a gesture, we risk seeing the Liberian

crises continue. It is already a serious threat to the stability of the West

African subregion, and in human terms it is a catastrophe with lasting

consequences.

I now come to the most absurd and perhaps most devastating tragedy

Africa has known in recent years. I refer to the civil war in Somalia. This

country, once so welcoming, today is a hell on earth. It is the picture of

anarchy, of intolerance in all its forms, of violence, and of the failure of

man before his destiny.

Senegal, for its part, is doing everything in its power to help end this

tragedy which, should it persist, would run the risk of sounding the death

knell of the very existence of Somalia. It is doing so for humanitarian

reasons, for reasons of African solidarity and, in brief, for reasons of

common sense. It is also doing so in its capacity as a member of the

Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the OAU and the United Nations.

Let me take this opportunity to note that, together with the Organization

of the Islamic Conference, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the

League of Arab States, our organization is already engaged in significant

efforts for Somalia. But the situation there is so grave that we must give it

high priority in the days and weeks ahead if we are not to witness the

genocide of a people through the death of its children. I appeal also to

non-governmental organizations; I encourage them to continue their generous

activities in Somalia.

The parties to the conflict must understand that the interest of the

Somali people lies in the restoration of peace, and that rivalries that

sacrifice human lives by the thousand can only result in their claims becoming

pointless.

What I would truly like to see is an international conference on

Somalia. I therefore solemnly propose that such a meeting take place as soon

as possible in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations, the OAU, the

League of Arab States, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the

European Community. The goal would be to put a rapid end to the armed

confrontation and define a framework for a peaceful settlement of the crisis

acceptable to all parties. The United Nations would take the initiative here,

but the modalities of the meeting would be defined among all the organizers,

who would also jointly agree on the list of participants. For my part, I

should be represented there both as current Chairman of the OAU and as

President of the sixth Islamic summit.

But I cannot stress too forcefully that while awaiting that conference,

for which we earnestly wish, the international community must continue to help

the victims of the confrontations imposed upon the Somali people by armed

factions. In particular, it should do everything it can to ensure that the

arms embargo imposed in Security Council resolution 733 (1992) of

23 January 1992 is strictly observed, and should take every other possible

initiative to put an end to the violence and the suffering. That wish of the

OAU is shared by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, of which Somalia

is a member.

My rehearsal of tensions in Africa would be incomplete without a

reference to Western Sahara. I wholeheartedly wish for a settlement to that

matter; this could be reached quickly within the framework defined by the

OAU. Nor can I omit to mention the fragile peace in Angola and elsewhere on

the continent.

Speaking of peace, I cannot fail to reiterate how much the peoples I

represent here cherish peace. In our societies, everything boils down to the

human being; peace is naturally one of the reference values. That was one of

the observations of the sixth summit of the Organization of the Islamic

Conference.

In Africa, the Heads of State or Government of the States members of the

OAU proved their commitment to peace by deciding at the most recent summit,

held at Dakar, to establish a mechanism for preventing, managing and settling

conflicts. That mechanism is intended to respond to Africa's desire for the

means to prevent conflicts, through an ongoing analysis of situations, putting

an end to those that persist in spite of our efforts. Africa is thus in step

with United Nations concerns on the maintenance of peace, as set out by the

Secretary-General in his report "An Agenda for Peace" (A/47/277).

That is because the Secretary-General's vision of peace is reflected

today in the determination resolutely to address the continent's political and

economic problems. Without a doubt, this is a manifestation of Africa's

self-confidence, and proves that our continent's de facto marginalization has

not paralysed it. On the contrary, its self-confidence has never been

disconnected from the spread of multiparty democracy; indeed, without it, the

current trends would certainly not be so clear.

Democracy has made great progress in Africa in recent months.

Authoritarian regimes have yielded to democratically elected Governments;

everywhere, confrontation is yielding to joint efforts and bullets to ballots.

Our efforts at integration derive also from our determination to take our

destiny in our own hands and is an expression of our self-confidence. The

same holds true for the way in which we are addressing environmental problems

and for our determination not to miss the energy revolution that is appearing

on the horizon. It is significant that, with respect to our commitment in

that sphere, we have placed our bets on solar energy. It is abundant in our

countries and can reconcile the need for healthy environment with that for

development.

If these efforts can be pursued and if their orientation can be

maintained - and we are determined that they should be Africa will soon be

in a position to overcome its present situation. But again: to achieve the

expected effects we must have consistent support from the international

community. We have seen this with the United Nations Programme of Action for

African Economic Recovery and Development.

We know too that the solution or prevention of conflicts in Africa will

be possible only if arms supplies to belligerents and other forms of outside

intervention are halted. Everyone knows that democracy in Africa can be

consolidated only if it is followed by progress towards, inter alia, economic

growth based on a rationalization of development efforts. This requires

improved relations within Africa, adequate infrastructure, and the possibility

for African countries to ensure that their products can reach northern markets

at profitable prices.

Although Africa is certainly the continent most severely affected by

economic crisis, war and other conflicts, we have no monopoly on these evils:

other peoples are suffering too, and we stand in solidarity with them. That

is why, although I have spoken at some length about Africa, I must not neglect

the tragedies being played out elsewhere.

I am far from indifferent to the economic difficulties of Latin America

like ours, caused in large part by unfair international economic relations

to the need to consolidate peace in Cambodia through scrupulous respect for

the Paris agreements, and to the need for Afghanistan to take the path of

national reconciliation. We in Africa are also concerned about the situation

in some of the former Soviet republics and in the former Yugoslavia, as well

as about the unacceptable state of affairs that continues to be imposed on the

Palestinian people.

On Bosnia and Herzegovina, we approve of the initiatives to ease the

suffering of the population, to halt the violence, and to put an end to what

appears to be an attempt at "ethnic cleansing". As President of the sixth

Islamic summit, I sent a representative to the recent London Conference on the

former Yugoslavia. I shall continue to associate myself with all steps in

that direction, and I call on the United Nations to continue, even increase,

its efforts.

With respect to the question of Palestine, while we welcome the positive

developments in the way it is being handled in the context of the ongoing

peace process under the sponsorship of the United States of America and

Russia, we must observe that the process is far from meeting our

expectations. But there is reason to hope that with the new Israeli

Government significant progress will be achieved and that the heroic

Palestinian people will soon be free, under the leadership of the Palestine

Liberation Organization, to exercise its inalienable rights. We call on the

Israeli Government to show realism and political courage, and we urge all

parties to have a sense of history. It is only in that way that peace can be

restored and that the Arab world and Israel can draw upon their rich common

heritage and their vast economic potential.

To face these challenges and realize the potential that is present

despite all the problems, we need greater solidarity, both among people and

among nations. I am thinking of a "general agreement on solidarity". As

distinct from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, this moral contract

would make possible the effective implementation of all the provisions of the

United Nations Charter. This presupposes awareness that we all share the same

future and that we agree to bear an equal interest in the maintenance of

peace, the promotion of human rights and democracy both nationally and

worldwide, the struggle against poverty and the protection of the

environment. There is no lack of opportunity: let us begin at this session

of the General Assembly. Clearly, this would be the best way to move towards

the new world order to which we all aspire.

To be sure, with respect to the maintenance of peace, the United

Nations to which we pay an enthusiastic tribute - under the dynamic

leadership of the Secretary-General is making notable efforts to respond to

the many demands upon it.

To be sure, in the Middle East, in the rest of Asia, in Africa and in

Europe, United Nations peace-keeping forces, in most of which my country is

proud to participate, are carrying out their missions courageously, loyally

and effectively, and for the most part to the great satisfaction of the

peoples of those regions.

We must, however, recognize that this universal Organization is not

equally successful everywhere its intervention is desired and necessary.

Often this is because of the Charter requirement that regional organizations

play the primary role in the settlement of regional disputes, but we must

realize that their effectiveness is limited in the case of armed confrontation

because they do not have the means required for peace-keeping operations.

I believe that fidelity to the spirit of the Charter in this regard

requires the establishment and operation of a system of co-operation between

the United Nations and the regional organizations so that they may benefit

from appropriate technical and financial assistance and thus can become more

involved in the management and settlement of regional conflicts. I am happy

to note that this is the thrust of the report of the Secretary-General

entitled "Agenda for peace".

In any case, this is what should flow from our concern to preserve our

collective security. That is clear militarily, but it is also increasingly

true with regard to the other aspects of security. No one is unaware that

those aspects are equally important. Thus the strong solidarity I have been

advocating, through the "general agreement on solidarity", presupposes also

the resumption of the North-South dialogue. More exactly, it will be a

question of engagement in a new dialogue between the developed and the

developing countries. I say "new" because the dialogue would be imbued with

the spirit of partnership and agreement to joint responsibility in facing

common challenges: challenges involved in economic and trade problems as well

as environment and health. The General Assembly could ask the

Secretary-General to make concrete proposals along those lines at its next

session.

I am among those who believe dialogue would be easier if the solidarity

we are seeking to promote were indeed effective at the regional level, and it

will be necessary for that to be taken into account in the efforts under way

in the regional groups.

That is one of the reasons why Senegal has made the achievement of

African integration, as advocated in the Treaty setting up the African

Economic Community, one of its main priorities in matters of foreign policy.

That explains our commitment to the Organization of the Islamic Conference

(OIC). But a reminder is needed here. The OIC is not a religious

organization. Its objective is to organize solidarity among its member

States, whose peoples are united by the same faith and have the same

concerns. It already is a very good tool for political and cultural

co-operation, and it is our ambition to make it an effective instrument for

economic, commercial and technical co-operation. The Dakar Summit of last

December was a turning-point in this respect. Of the groups that must have

our attention in the framework of the rebalancing of international economic

relations, I must mention the Summit Group for Consultation and the

South-South Co-operation Group, the so-called Group of 15, whose goal is to

make South-South co-operation effective through the drawing up and

implementation of specific projects. But I hasten to make it clear that that

group is not a closed club; indeed, everything that is discussed there is at

the disposal of the other developing countries; nor does it claim to be a

spokesman for the entire South. However, I am convinced that it does

constitute a framework for the definition of the common concerns of the

countries of the South with regard to specific questions, and for the

expression of their views. Moreover, it has drawn up and circulated a

position paper on the new world order.

Returning to the North-South dialogue and to the "general agreement on

solidarity", which should promote the dialogue while belief in it may be

unrealistic, and the meetings that have taken place so far have been rather

disappointing for the most part, the Earth Summit held in Rio de Janeiro last

June has given us reason for greater optimism. Indeed, while far from

perfect, it worked for the taking into account, in the long term, of all the

concerns and perspectives of the world. It is not an exaggeration to say that

after Rio nothing is the same as before in approaching environmental problems

and their interrelationship with development. What is even better, the change

that has taken place thanks to a real awareness of the globalization of

mankind's problems could be the dawn of the new world order. The forthcoming

convening of certain international conferences gives us the opportunity to

confirm and amplify on that change.

I believe that the World Conference on Human Rights planned for 1993 and

the International Conference on Population and Development to take place in

1994 reflect our common willingness to deal with questions that no longer know

any borders. The same is true of the Fourth World Conference on Women and the

World Summit on Social Development, both planned for 1995.

Is it not significant that those meetings were programmed after the Rio

Summit on Environment and Development, as well as the World Summit for

Children? In any case, we must hope that, like their two predecessors, these

other conferences will not lose sight of the need to ensure the follow-up on

decisions and recommendations that would make their work fruitful.

In this regard it is a pleasure for me to announce on this day, which

coincides with the second anniversary of the World Summit for Children, that,

in the spirit of that historic meeting, an international conference on

assisting African children, organized by the Organization of African Unity

with the support of UNICEF, will take place in Dakar from

25 to 27 November 1992. Our goal is to bring the international community to a

point where it thinks about the special situation of African children and the

difficulties facing the African countries with regard to ensuring their

harmonious development, or indeed their mere survival. This situation and

these problems will also be focused on in meetings to be held soon devoted to

children in French-speaking countries and also within the framework of the OIC.

While reflecting a real awareness of the interdependence of the world, at

which we rejoice, the programme of international meetings I have just

mentioned shows that much remains to be done in this vast field through joint

efforts. In particular I have in mind disarmament for the benefit of

development, the easing of the foreign debt burden of the developing

countries, the removal of protectionist tariff barriers, the improvement of

commodity prices, and the transfer of the technology and human resources

necessary for development. No one denies that today our collective survival

largely depends upon adequate consideration of these questions and the

challenges of the environment, AIDS and drugs not to mention the problem of

peace-keeping operations.

Hence, it is urgent to achieve greater solidarity, to which I referred

earlier. Moreover, there is a central role that the United Nations must play

in dealing with these problems. There is no need to emphasize that such a

role requires that this universal Organization review its methods of work and

that Member States reassess the means made available to the United Nations.

In Africa and within the Islamic Ummah we recognize the importance of the

restructuring and other work to restore dynamism to our Organization being

carried out by the Secretary-General and by such organs as the Economic and

Social Council, which is intended to cope with the new burdens arising from

world developments. On their behalf, I welcome the results already achieved

in this regard, and I encourage a continuation of those efforts until they are

successful and the goals are reached. I particularly hope that this new trend

will duly take account of what are in our view two essential ideas on the

one hand, peace and security are precarious without the eradication of poverty

and misery and without a reduction of the gap separating the North and the

South; on the other hand, efforts towards effectiveness should not sacrifice

the democratic spirit by which the universality of the United Nations is

maintained.

Moreover, the Tenth Conference of the Heads of State or Government of the

Non-Aligned Movement, which was just held successfully in Jakarta, bore the

stamp of renewal in continuity and achieved considerable progress in

reinforcing that trend.

Given the scores of challenges and the ever stronger commitment of the

non-governmental organizations working alongside Governments to meet those

challenges, I would add the need to take into account the recommendations of

those organizations. I am thinking even that we could study the possibility.

through the efforts of the Secretary-General, of requiring such

recommendations to be taken into account in specific fields.

I have had the signal honour to address you on behalf of various peoples

some of which are separated by thousands of kilometres. But these peoples

share with my country Senegal the same faith in human solidarity, the same

hope for a better tomorrow, even the same goals. United in their diversity,

these peoples are calling for justice where it is trampled and peace wherever

it is threatened. They are calling for the coming of a world in which hunger,

intolerance and unfairness have disappeared. These peoples call upon you to

act together, to innovate and to do so without delay.