Russia, 1992

First, I wish to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to this

important post. The fact that a representative of Bulgaria has assumed this

post at the head of the Assembly at precisely this time is a sign of the

importance that the world community attaches to the peaceful democratic

revolution in Eastern Europe. And we are proud that our countries, linked by

ties of traditional friendship, are treading this path together.

The democratic movement has prevailed in the cold war. For the first

time in history unprecedented opportunities have opened up for the

implementation of the principles proclaimed by the United Nations.

The post-confrontational and post-communist world is not a

pax Sovietica. a pax Americana, a pax Islamica or a pax Christiana, nor is it

a monopolistic system of any kind, but rather the multipolar unity in

diversity that the United Nations has symbolized from the very outset.

For the present, such a world is only a possibility yet to be realized

through our joint efforts. Realism leaves no room for euphoria. A difficult

period of transition lies ahead. But realism compels us to reject any

alternative to the democratic choice.

Russia, which has rejected communism, has, perhaps more than any other

country, learned from its own experience that there can be no alternative to

democratic development; our country voted for democracy during the first

nation-wide presidential election in its history, and defended it at the

barricades around the Moscow White House. Neither the President, nor the

Government, nor the majority of Parliament, nor the country at large will turn

aside from the path of reform, no matter how difficult it may prove.

Totalitarianism robbed Russia both of its unique identity and of the

possibility of self-fulfilment in its relations with other nations. Through

its self-imposed isolation, the richest country of Eurasia became the sick man

of Europe and Asia. In contrast, only an open society and a policy of

openness will enable Russia to find and play to the fullest extent its unique

and historic role.

This policy has its roots in an age-old Russian idea. Back in the

thirteenth century Saint Alexander Nevsky, one of the founders and defenders

of the Russian State, said: "God is to be found not in power but in truth".

Today this is the policy of the true national interests of the Russian

State as a normal rather than an aggressive great Power, as one that

recognizes and shoulders its responsibilities as a permanent member of the

Security Council.

The basic elements of this policy are as follows: partnership and

alliance for democracy and a dynamic market economy with countries that share

these values; good-neighbourly relations with all neighbouring States;

comprehensive strengthening of the Commonwealth of Independent States,

strategic partnership with Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and all

other countries created in the place of the former Soviet Union; and

solidarity and mutually advantageous cooperation with all the members of the

world community.

Russia intends to act in support of United Nations efforts to address

the twofold task of the democratization of societies and the renewal of

international relations. This is consonant with the concluding statement of

the summit meeting of the Security Council, with Secretary-General

Boutros Boutros-Ghali's report "An Agenda for Peace" and with the first

statements already made from this rostrum. Russia is ready to give practical

support to the proposals made yesterday by George Bush, President of the

United States.

First of all, it is necessary to extinguish armed conflicts.

The Russian Federation will increase its efforts to eliminate conflicts

inherited from the past in the territory of the former USSR, bearing in mind

the special interest and responsibility of Russia in strengthening the

civilized principles of the United Nations and the Conference on Security and

Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in this part of the world.

Russia supports the participation of the new independent States in these

two organizations and other international forums. We welcome their

representatives in this Hall.

We categorically reject imperialistic ambitions, diktat and violence,

both in the area of the former USSR and in other parts of the world. Should

political means fail, force can and should be used to separate the warring

sides, to protect human rights and humanitarian missions and to restore peace

in strict conformity with the Charter of the United Nations.

Agreements for cease-fires and for the establishment of peace-keeping

forces, concluded with Russian participation, are already in effect in

Ossetia, the Dniester region and Abkhazia, where Russian soldiers are carrying

out their peace-keeping duties. Together with CSCE, we will strive to end the

war and bring peace to Karabakh and to secure the integrity of Tajikistan and

bring national reconciliation to that country. In all those efforts we count

on continued active cooperation with the United Nations.

We support efforts aimed at forcing Iraq to implement the decisions of

the United Nations and ensuring at the same time the territorial integrity and

the peaceful nature of that State. For that purpose, Russia has sent two

naval vessels to the Persian Gulf.

We also must ensure that the demands of the Security Council are

complied with by all the Yugoslav sides and must enable them to maintain

contact with the United Nations. A Russian infantry battalion is serving

honourably with the United Nations forces in Yugoslavia.

I agree with the preceding speaker concerning the need to support the

efforts of Mr. Panic for the practical implementation of the intentions he has

declared.

Russia will continue to cooperate actively with the other permanent

members of the Security Council and with all the parties concerned in

order to seize the opportunity for a peaceful settlement in the Middle

East, Cambodia, Angola and other areas of conflict.

We have no doubt that it is the task of the United Nations to combat

violence with force based on law, with its potential for enforcing peace.

The Blue Helmets should take action in response even when they are fired

upon.

It is time to strengthen the capacity of the Security Council to

take swift and decisive action in humanitarian emergency situations

arising from mass violations of human rights and inter-ethnic clashes,

including those within national borders.

It is important to strengthen the preventive component of United Nations

activities. This includes the establishment of hot lines to United Nations

Headquarters, the submission of intelligence information to the

Secretary-General and the further development of fact-finding.

Enhanced United Nations efforts to safeguard human rights and the rights

of national minorities are also a priority. In the past it was chiefly the

victims of totalitarian regimes and ideologies who needed protection. What is

increasingly needed now is to combat the aggressive nationalism that is

emerging as the new global threat.

The replacement of ideological intolerance with national and religious

intolerance would threaten the world which is increasingly becoming one

world - with rifts just as serious and with national, regional and global

catastrophes. Democratic Russia categorically rejects any form of chauvinism,

be it Russophobia or anti-Semitism.

We feel special concern at the growing discriminatory practices against

Russians, Ukrainians, Jews and all other non-indigenous nationalities in some

of the new States that have emerged in the territory of the former USSR,

particularly in Estonia and Latvia. A situation in which 42 per cent of the

population of the Estonian Republic are disenfranchised is totally

inconsistent with international law.

We have raised and will continue to raise these issues in the United

Nations and other forums. We have the right to do so, among other reasons,

because the countries in question won their independence, to a substantial

extent, through the triumph of the democrats in Russia. The practices I have

referred to can in no way be justified by invoking the problem, inherited from

the USSR, of the withdrawal of armed forces from the Baltic States. We are

already working together to resolve that problem, and we intend to resolve it

as soon as possible; however, due regard must also be given to the rights of

those who are in military uniform.

It would be appropriate to give thought to a joint interpretation of the

international trusteeship system set forth in the Charter of the United

Nations, particularly since one of its basic objectives is and I quote the

Charter - "To encourage respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms

for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion". That

system has brought many nations to independence. Today national minorities

desperately need the trusteeship of the world community.

The fate of former Soviet servicemen taken prisoner in Afghanistan

remains one of the gravest humanitarian problems. We call upon the General

Assembly to proclaim its support for the urgent resolution of this problem.

The rejection of the game of "nuclear roulette" in favour of cooperation

in the interests of strategic stability for all and with the participation of

all States concerned is reflected in the agreements on further drastic cuts in

strategic offensive arms and on a global defense system reached in Washington

by the Presidents of Russia and the United States of America.

Reaffirming its commitments under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of

Nuclear Weapons, the Russian Federation invites all countries that have not

yet done so to join the Treaty as non-nuclear-weapon States. It is our belief

that all the former Republics of the USSR, including Ukraine, Belarus and

Kazakhstan, will do so. This step should be taken as soon as possible, since

the entry into force of the treaty on strategic offensive arms depends on it.

We expect that a sense of high responsibility and a readiness to reach

compromise solutions will prevail in the decisive phase of the approval of the

Convention on the banning of chemical weapons.

Russia is in favour of control, including control through the United

Nations, over international arms transfers, especially over offensive and

highly destructive weapons. The approach taken with respect to regimes that

disregard the standards of international law should be particularly strict.

There is an obvious need for the development of concrete

military-industry conversion programmes, not only through the efforts of

individual countries but also through the combined action of the international

community. The United Nations and its specialized agencies could play a

pioneering role in this endeavour. In the long run, real disarmament and the

conversion of military industries to peaceful production will make it possible

to release additional resources for the needs of development.

But development cannot be achieved without ensuring full political and

economic rights and freedoms, without releasing human creative potential in a

market environment. Russia has learned this from its own experience.

For a successful solution of the problems of development, it is extremely

important to strengthen the interaction between the United Nations and the

Bretton Woods institutions. Herein lies the key to the harmonization of the

world community's efforts in such areas as support of macroeconomic reforms

and technical assistance and the provision of help in resolving social

problems. Both developing and developed countries will benefit from this.

The United Nations Conference at Rio de Janeiro reinforced the consensus

on the need to integrate development policies and environmental protection.

The task of renewing international relations calls for the

rationalization of the United Nations itself and of the United Nations

system. The desire of some States to play a more active role in the United

Nations is quite natural. The Charter provides ample scope for this. In

particular, the Charter permits the Security Council to establish auxiliary

bodies in which many States would participate. We are convinced that the

United Nations and other international organizations will play a growing role

in regulating international relations.

In conclusion, I should like to address you, Mr. Secretary-General.

Russia supports your efforts to bring about the settlement of international

crises, to improve the efficiency of the United Nations Secretariat and the

coordination of the activities of all international agencies.

Support of the United Nations presupposes the fulfilment of financial

obligations to the Organization. Despite its economic difficulties, in the

period from September of this year to March 1993 Russia will pay $130 million

as partial payment of our arrears to the United Nations and an additional

$30 million to other agencies.

Your recent statements in Moscow, Mr. Secretary-General, have confirmed

the similarity of our vision of the great future of the United Nations.